{"id":13968,"date":"2020-04-30T08:12:22","date_gmt":"2020-04-30T08:12:22","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-22\/"},"modified":"2020-05-10T10:14:18","modified_gmt":"2020-05-10T10:14:18","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-22","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-22\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 22"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

At the time of writing this editorial, the Covid-19 pandemic has infected more than 3 million people worldwide and caused the death of more than 210,000 people. In many countries and also in Catalonia, it seems that the outbreak is beginning to be controlled and for the last couple of weeks the downward curve has been consolidated (data for Catalonia and Spain can be found in the daily report by Kiko Llaneras in  El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> and those for the rest of the world on the John Hopkins University Observatory<\/a> website). Therefore, it seems to us an opportune moment to reflect from the Diari de les idees<\/em> in a critical way on the doubts, the deficiencies and the dysfunctions that have taken place in the management of this first phase of the crisis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Let us therefore begin, or perhaps we should say continue, with the disenchantment produced by the reaction of the European institutions. Sahin Vall\u00e9e publishes a very harsh article in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> <\/em>where she criticizes the fact that the Covid-19 crisis has revealed in all its crudeness the lack of solidarity that exists within the European Union and that it ultimately expresses the lack of a cohesive political project. At the same time, several analysts on European issues in the magazine Politico<\/em><\/a> also charge against the European management of the pandemic and describe it as a real disaster. The European confusion is once again evident now that the time has come to design and implement a policy of aid for economic reconstruction. After many meetings and summits, where the serious disagreements that divide the continent are repeatedly highlighted, there seems to be a principle of agreement as mentioned in the Financial Times<\/em><\/a> <\/em>on an economic recovery fund for the Covid-19 linked to the European budget, but on the other hand, there is no agreement on the scope of the fund, nor if it will lead to the contracting of debt with the rest of the countries. The reluctance of the northern countries to have the fund channelled through grants instead of loans also continues. On May 6, at a further summit, European leaders will meet again to discuss the proposals that will now be drawn up by the Commission and the Eurogroup to detail the recovery fund. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the same vein, Baptiste Albertone and Val\u00e9re Pi\u00e9rard of the Observatory of the Coronavirus of the\u00a0Grand Continen<\/a><\/em>t<\/em><\/a>\u00a0<\/em> discuss the growing division of Europe by appealing to a speech on the dangers of disunity given by Abraham Lincoln in 1858: “A house divided against itself cannot stand” to warn of the division between the north and south of a Europe with very different economic realities, which implies a greater challenge: how to achieve the Union in the midst of the current division? The current challenges, whether social or environmental, are testing our ability to cooperate, and the European Union, which was born with the hope of a future of shared prosperity and peace, would have to be re-founded in order to realise the idea of its founding principles. This view is also shared by Simon Jenkins in\u00a0The Guardian,<\/em><\/a>\u00a0where he states that the EU is not a real union and that the reasons for the disagreements between North and South are as old as the Union itself. The countries of Northern Europe do not trust the economic management of the countries of the South. A reticence that, according to the dynamics confirmed, seems difficult to overcome, now produced by Covid-19 but which repeats the script of the 2008 financial crisis, with the danger of widening the gap of mistrust and at other levels related to the very political culture generated by the EU. On the other hand, the irrelevance of the European Parliament pointed out by\u00a0Ma\u00efa de la Baume<\/a>\u00a0is also quite significant of the EU crisis. Indeed, a growing number of legislators believe that they have become irrelevant actors at a time when their views should be taken into account by governments and other EU institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The lack of solidarity and leadership is not exclusive to the EU, as Sylvie Kauffman points out in the French daily Le Monde<\/em><\/a>, where she denounces that the pandemic is accelerating the geopolitical trends that were already taking shape before the crisis: the assertion of China’s hegemonic ambitions and doubts about how they will be realised. Worth mentioning are also the article by Branko Milanovi<\/a>c and the reflection in The Economist<\/em><\/a> <\/em>on Chinese soft power, the decline of US influence and the repeated failures of the weak structures of global governance. Particularly revealing of this situation is the title of the article published in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> by Mois\u00e9s Na\u00edm, former director of the magazine Foreign Policy<\/em> and former executive director of the World Bank: ‘Big problems, small leaders’. In fact, this pandemic has surprised the world at a time of great institutional weakness. However, while it is true that crises close many doors, they also open others, and the crisis we are experiencing will have many unexpected consequences that are still difficult to predict. Perhaps one of them will be a strong reaction against the “small rulers” and the arrival of new leaderships that are up to the big problems we are facing. In the same newspaper, former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown<\/a> abounds in the same line and defends the creation of a shared political leadership, that is, a G20 with executive power. At the same time, he believes that this global health crisis is forcing us to reconsider ‘America First’ type nationalism and a unilateralism that sees the world as a struggle between ‘us and them’. And in this context of lack of leadership, the impotence of the international body that should lead the fight against the pandemic, the World Health Organization, is also symptomatic. As Stephen Buranyi points out, the WHO<\/em><\/a> is fighting against the tendency for each country to withdraw into itself, at a time when international health cooperation is more necessary than ever.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the other hand, references are emerging to good crisis management by a female leadership that has managed to mitigate the effects of Covid-19 in their respective countries, as highlighted by several media. Jon Henley and Eleanor Ainge Roy point out in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> the role of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, Finland’s Prime Minister Sanna Marin or Taiwan’s President Tsai Ing-wen. Quoting Kathleen Gerson, professor of sociology at New York University, the article points out that certain male leaders find it difficult to escape from the competitive and conflictive stereotypes that the patriarchal culture values. Nevertheless, as many studies show, good leaderships derive from making decisions based on the capacity for empathy, an attribute historically considered as feminine and that the feminist theories of the ethics of care value. At the same time, they stress that these types of values tend to be more widespread in countries where there is a political culture in which there is a relatively high degree of support for and confidence in government and institutions, which would favour the election of female leaders.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another issue highlighted by the Covid-19 crisis is described by Leontxo Garc\u00eda in the pages of El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a>, where he points out that the inaction of governments around the world in the face of scientists’ warnings about the great danger of viruses confirms the tendency of politics not to think. In fact, governments and state apparatuses have been very slow in predicting the effects of the pandemic in spite of knowing what was happening in other countries. The gap between knowledge and politics or decision-making is undoubtedly one of the main themes of contemporary reflection. A distance from science, knowledge and thought that could respond to an accumulation of motives. On the one hand, we would have the factors related to the political system: bad selection of leaderships, little meritocracy in the partycracy, negative incentives to make the right decisions, dependence on decisions based on electoral surveys, capture of political elites by economic power. On the other hand, sociological factors such as accelerated lifestyles, the misuse of social networks, etc., would also have an influence. A series of factors that are also closely related to the explanations of why millions of citizens democratically choose incompetent people to lead a country, such as Donald Trump or with almost fascist ideologies, such as Orb\u00e1n in Hungary and Bolsonaro in Brazil.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the same vein, the American historian Timothy Snyder<\/a> warns of the danger that populist and authoritarian leaders (including Donald Trump) will take advantage of the pain and suffering caused by the pandemic to end up undermining democratic institutions that have been overcome by successive crises and which we cannot do without. It is precisely the authoritarianism and the discourse of fascism that are the architects of a discourse that is contrary to knowledge and science and that want to use the institutions to pursue certain interests for the benefit of a few corrupt elites or an alleged national interest. A fact that is not alien to democracies either, and which constitutes the ferment of their delegitimization. Because in addition to protecting institutions, it is also important to deconstruct them or transform them in depth in the face of inefficiencies or immobilism. The Covid-19 crisis should lead to new alliances and coalitions, which, once the pandemic is under control, will make it possible to generate structural political and social changes, hand in hand with citizens and civil society, and to consolidate democratic systems, but also to build more cohesive and resilient societies to face the current challenges. In this sense, Caroline Emcke<\/a> idea that we must make populism pay dearly for its hostility to science and knowledge is interesting. Otherwise, the price of not doing so will fall on citizens and democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A general context, therefore, of political, social and economic crisis that the French sociologist Michel Wieviorka<\/a>describes as a crisis of progress that offers an opportunity to evaluate the respective merits of democratic and dictatorial regimes. Wieviorka believes that it is necessary to go beyond this dichotomy to study the relationship that human societies have with the idea of progress and to understand why governments and populations react in different ways to the epidemic. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Ulrich Beck in The Metamorphosis of the World<\/em> (2017), major catastrophes can also have emancipatory dimensions, but in this case the Covid-19 pandemic could have the opposite effect and reverse the current democracies towards more authoritarian regimes, the return of aggressive nationalism and a securitarian order of general surveillance. This diagnosis coincides with that of Daniel Innerarity, who in Catalunya Plural<\/a>claims not to be particularly optimistic about the lessons that humanity can learn from the pandemic, while at the same time stating that from the ruins a new order does not necessarily emerge and that change may be worse, if we do not remedy it.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As could not be otherwise, the impact of the multidimensional crisis triggered by the Covid-19 has its repercussions on the conflict between Catalonia and Spain. In view of the proposal made by Pedro S\u00e1nchez to reissue the Moncloa Pacts, which have already been converted into a committee for reconstruction, the Vice-President of the Catalan government, Pere Aragon\u00e8s, maintains in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that the time has come to seek solutions and not to reissue the already distant pacts, while reaffirming that we must not forget that the Catalan question is not exhausted by this crisis. Spanish politics also draws the attention of The<\/em><\/a> Economist <\/em>where it is stated that the political confrontation in Spain is not only between the left and the right, but also within each of these two blocks, which implies a radicalization of the positions of each of them. Faced with a predictable scenario of massive unemployment, chain of company bankruptcies and uncontrolled public debt, the article charges against what it calls the return of nasty politics. In the French newspaper Lib\u00e9ration<\/em><\/a>, Fran\u00e7ois Musseau also warns of the recentralisation that is taking place in Spain as a result of the health crisis. We are therefore facing a management by the Spanish government described as a fiasco by Jos\u00e9 Antonio Zarzalejos in El Peri\u00f3dico,<\/em><\/a>where he denounces the structural weaknesses of the uniform application of the measures against the pandemic. He maintains that the S\u00e1nchez government is weak due to parliamentary arithmetic, which suffers from a lack of authority derived from its limited capacities and assures that its management “has neither authority nor is unique”. He also stresses that it is necessary to take into account that the organic law regulating the state of emergency was approved in 1981 when the development of the autonomy statutes had not yet been completed. This issue calls into question decisions that do not take into account the asymmetry of the various self-governments and the particular characteristics of each territory.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In an article published in La Vanguardia<\/a><\/em>, Manuel P\u00e9rez highlights that in Spain, due to the structure of its economy, there is concern about the impact of the crisis on those sectors with a greater weight such as tourism and related activities such as air transport, commerce and leisure activities. This specific characteristic of the Spanish economic structure will mark a recovery distributed unequally according to activities and social classes. In fact, a large part of the activities that will return to normality with delay are those occupied by less qualified workers with lower salaries and with more difficulties in migrating to an alternative activity. This is a highly complex situation, in addition to the very high unemployment rate, which is already an endemic problem in the Spanish economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another point that deserves a very critical analysis is the area of health management of the crisis and its different incidence in different countries. For the moment, no clear explanations can be deduced, from the massive purchase of non-standardized or clearly deficient masks to the inability to produce the necessary tests for a progressive and safe lifting of lockdown measures. The New<\/em><\/a> Yorker<\/em> states that the countries that have carried out more tests have obtained better results and can avoid the negative economic effects of lockdown. From the Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> Observatory, Olivier Lenoir points out some of the reasons why Europe is still not carrying out, in most cases, a massive detection action of contagion through PCR tests. The reasons are basically a) the lack of means available to health and laboratory staff to carry out the tests with guarantees and avoid contact with the patient’s mucus; b) the lack of equipment necessary to carry out the tests (automatic devices to speed up the process, etc.); c) the time it takes for medical and health staff already overloaded with emergency work to carry out the tests; and d) the lack of reagent used to carry out the tests and which is already scarce in Europe. However, some of these claims are refuted by Maria Mota, Director of the Institute of Molecular Medicine (IMM) in Lisbon, who explains in an article published in La Voz de Galicia,<\/em><\/a> that in mid-March Portugal anticipated that the coronavirus tests would soon run out and the government began to investigate what was needed to produce them directly in Portugal. She explains how they followed WHO recommendations, replicating locally available reagents, and how they contacted companies producing these reagents to prepare for increased production. This shows the importance of proactivity and leadership in decision-making to manage a crisis such as the one we are facing.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alarms have been raised for weeks now in the economic sphere in anticipation of the unprecedented crisis that all analysts and experts are announcing. Adam Tooze<\/a> warns that the global economic slowdown triggered by Covid-19 can only be overcome by the injection of liquidity and credit by international financial institutions and by an increase in the deficit and debt of countries. A situation that must be managed with prudence and that requires open debate and balanced management. Mariana Mazzucatto<\/a> warns of the danger of unconditional liquidity if it is not accompanied by an economy based on sustainability and inclusiveness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a long essay published exclusively by the Portuguese daily P\u00fablico<\/em><\/a>, Slavoj Zizek states that the system as we know it is in a deep crisis and that if we add to the existing tensions in permissive-liberalism the crisis of the coronavirus, this situation can be exploited by certain interests to promote a new systemic regression. In his opinion, the most likely result is that a new barbaric capitalism will prevail, where the working classes must accept a lower standard of living, digital control of our lives will become a permanent feature, class distinctions will become a matter of life and death and that the real question we have to ask ourselves is which new social model will replace the liberal-capitalist order. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the wake of the Covid-19 crisis, Ramiro Checa-Garc\u00eda, a researcher at the French CNRS, points out in the pages of El Salto<\/em><\/a> the shortcomings of our governance systems. Just as the institutions responsible for the global economic and financial system were unable to predict or act on the 2008 subprime crisis, the institutions responsible for protecting the environment have been warning us for years about the consequences of global warming and the enormous impact that climate change may have on our societies, without such scientific warnings having yet changed the major global trends and generated consensus to address them. Once again, politics is detached from knowledge, but instead closely linked to the interests of capital. Also, with respect to climate change, the correlation between air pollution and mortality from coronaviruses stands out, as Robin Tutenges reveals in the journal Slate<\/em><\/a>, indicating that according to a Harvard University study, patients with Covid-19 living in contaminated environments are more likely to die from coronavirus. Therefore, it has been demonstrated, once again, the impact that air pollution can have on health. Paradoxically, it is a respiratory disease that shows us how to reduce global emissions and improve air quality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in the area of new technologies, in an article in Politico<\/em><\/a> Julian King states that now that Europe is preparing for the next phase of the coronavirus pandemic, attention has turned to the use of technology, as Big Data, Artificial Intelligence and mobile applications can allow us to lift the lockdown and restart economic activities by keeping the virus at bay. However, like any cutting-edge technology, this type of high-tech-linked epidemiological surveillance works in more than one direction. In addition to exploring how technology can help us manage the pandemic, we must also reflect on how to ensure that our values and our system of rights and freedoms are guaranteed and protected. This question is also the subject of the reflection on the relationship between human beings and machines raised by Francesco Suman in the magazine La mela di Newton,<\/em><\/a> where he argues that advances in robotics and Artificial Intelligence, as well as transhumanism, pose new ethical challenges. To what extent can we trust machines? Can we delegate to them questions that belong to the realm of morality and ethics? In this sense, the acceleration of technological solutions implied by the management of the Covid-19 refers us to the need to control the decisions produced by Artificial Intelligence at a time when digital solutions to social problems are being invoked.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

At the time of writing this editorial, the Covid-19 pandemic has infected more than 3 million people worldwide and caused the death of more than 210,000 people. In many countries and also in Catalonia, it seems that the outbreak is beginning to be controlled and for the last couple of weeks the downward curve has been consolidated (data for Catalonia and Spain can be found in the daily report by Kiko Llaneras in  El Pa\u00eds and those for the rest of the world on the John Hopkins University Observatory website). Therefore, it seems to us an opportune moment to reflect from the Diari de les\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":12662,"template":"","category_newspaper":[139],"segment":[],"subject":[263],"class_list":["post-13968","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-139","subject-covid-19-en"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 22 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-22\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 22 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"At the time of writing this editorial, the Covid-19 pandemic has infected more than 3 million people worldwide and caused the death of more than 210,000 people. 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