{"id":14922,"date":"2020-06-03T08:16:32","date_gmt":"2020-06-03T08:16:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-24\/"},"modified":"2020-06-04T15:29:55","modified_gmt":"2020-06-04T15:29:55","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-24","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-24\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 24"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

This new edition of the Diari de les idees<\/em> continues to focus on the analysis of the impact and political, social and economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. However, the social and political situation in the United States is also on the global agenda, as a result of the events surrounding the death of George Floyd at the hands of the Minneapolis police and the widespread outrage that has led to riots and unrest in most American cities. This is a political and social crisis in a society that is becoming increasingly polarized and fractured due to its structural and systemic racism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Racial discrimination and conflict have shaped all political and social life in the United States since the end of the Civil War and the abolition of slavery. Episodes of tension and rebellion have been constant for the past 150 years, due to structural situations of injustice and abuse towards the African-American community. The advances produced during the civil rights movements of the 1960s, which led to the elimination of discriminatory laws and the guarantee of citizenship based on equality and respect for rights and dignity, a certain social mobility conquered by parts of the black middle classes, active participation in political life and in the economic and entertainment world, have not been sufficient to put an end to the inequalities, institutionalized discrimination and social exclusion experienced by the African-American community.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The enormous accumulated social unrest and the secular institutional racism of American culture are ingredients that make up an explosive cocktail that regularly triggers riots across the country. In this regard, David Remnick reviews the historical roots of a conflict that does not cease in an article published in The New Yorker<\/a><\/em>. In the pages of The New Republic<\/a><\/em> Ryu Spaeth warns of the breakdown of the social contract and points out the state of outrage of a large part of the population, and not just African Americans. Elie Mystal in The Nation<\/a><\/em> also relates the deep despair of a population that has been systematically left out of the so-called “American dream. Nor can the disastrous role of US President Donald Trump be ignored in a context where some speak of an incipient Civil War (with the use of rioting by the so-called Boogaloo Bois<\/em> \u2013 a diffuse movement of white supremacists without any clear hierarchy or central organisation) insofar as he not only fails to take the lead to calms tensions down and to redress the conflict, but also increases its dangerousness with an aggressive and irresponsible attitude. This is what Susan B. Glasser and Robert Fleich report in  The New Yorke<\/a><\/em>r<\/em><\/a> and in The Guardian<\/a><\/em> where they not only consider Trump to be the worst president in history and the most mendacious, but also claim that while he does not provide a constructive response to any of the monumental crises that are convulsing the United States, Trump has in fact abdicated from office: he is not governing, he is playing golf, watching cable TV and tweeting. Finally, the persistence of police brutality, often supported by the connivance of certain conservative judges, is the subject of a harsh article by the Editorial Board of The New York Times<\/em><\/a> which denounces that the American political class has historically been unable to guarantee the principles of social justice and equality to the African-American community. In this regard, it is necessary to emphasize that police brutality is increasingly becoming a global concern that is a burden on democracy. The multiple cases of human rights abuses, especially of minorities and of the African-American population in the case of the United States, should be one of the issues to be considered in the political agendas of liberal democracies around the world. Police models and practices, systems of citizen guarantee and protection and the protection of rights are one of the cornerstones of any advanced society. When that fails and judicial systems do not respond by prosecuting the guilty, the credibility of democracy suffers. When these pillars fail, the system loses legitimacy, the danger of authoritarian drift arises and democracy is weakened.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Europe, one of the events that has marked the last two weeks is the 750 billion euro aid fund for the reconstruction of the European economy announced by the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, of which 500 billion will be non-refundable grants and 250 billion will be loans. This is an extremely important decision for the economic reconstruction after Covid-19 and, at the same time, for the credibility of the EU’s own political project. The agreement on these reconstruction funds, however, has not been easy and has set off alarm bells in some northern EU countries (Austria, Denmark, the Netherlands and Sweden) while Italy and Spain, two of the countries hardest hit by the health crisis, are expected to be relieved. Juan Torres L\u00f3pez points out in the daily P\u00fablico<\/em><\/a> that the scope of the proposal shows the devastating effect confinement has had on the various European economies. Indeed, between 25% and 35% of companies, or between 35% and 50% in an adverse scenario, will have a financial deficit at the end of the year, which represents losses of between 350 billion and 500 billion euros, in the best scenario, or between 650 billion and 900 billion in the worst. The estimated fall in private investment will be 846 billion euros in 2020 and 2021. The losses that companies will suffer will be 720 billion euros in the best scenario or 1.2 billion in the worst. And between 25 and 35 million jobs are expected to be lost. As a result of the measures they have had to take, governments will increase their funding commitments for 2020 and 2021 by 1.7 billion euros. To this damage, the Commission is adding the cost of previous green and digital transition projects worth 1.19 billion euros over the next two years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Specifically, according to EU sources cited by  El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a>, Ursula von der Leyen’s proposal will provide Spain with 75 billion euros in aid, 15% of which will be lost. For the first time in 60 years, the Member States of the Union are being encouraged to take on massive debt on the financial markets. And, above all, for the first time in the history of the EU, part of these resources will be transferred in the form of lost funds to the countries most affected by a crisis as unexpected as it is devastating. EU sources indicate that two thirds of the plan, half a trillion euros, will be injected in the form of subsidies and distributed according to an allocation quota that will favour the most severely affected countries. The rest, EUR 250 billion, will be distributed as loans, without country quotas, but with safeguards to ensure that no partner absorbs too much aid at the expense of the rest. Very tough negotiations will now begin so that the reconstruction plan can be implemented. Indeed, many technical questions remain for the European Council and the 27 member countries to answer, including how the Commission has calculated its allocations and what cuts have been made in various European programmes to accommodate some new spending. A quick analysis suggests that some programmes identified by Von der Leyen as priorities will end up with lower budget allocations than originally proposed, and this includes, among others, the Erasmus student exchange programme, as well as many initiatives in the field of security and defence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond the news about the economic reconstruction plan, the repercussions of the coronavirus crisis on the continent’s democratic health also stand out in the European area, and are a cause for concern. Thus, on a platform published in the British newspaper The Guardian <\/a><\/em> the thinker and director of the European Democracy Lab, Ulrike Gu\u00e9rot, denounces that the European elites have failed, and believes that after the pandemic, EU citizens will have to seize the moment to build a true democracy among equals who share the same protection systems, and calls for the creation of a congress of European citizens on the future of Europe, which would be the basis for a new constituent assembly. Charles Grant<\/a> shares this concern, and in the same newspaper he highlights six negative trends that are emerging for the future of Europe. Although they had already emerged before the Covid-19 outbreak, they are now accelerating: de-globalisation, the emergence of new nationalist policies, the strengthening of borders, the ebbing of support for ecological policies, increasing tensions between the east and west of the continent, and the permanent divorce between the countries of the north and south. To put an end to the issue of European concerns, the editorial in the French daily Le Monde<\/em><\/a> points out that the member states must cooperate with the Commission to restore freedom of movement as soon as possible after the chaotic closure of the EU’s internal borders as a result of the pandemic, since, together with the single market, the Schengen area is the most visible achievement of European integration. Restoring freedom of movement is therefore crucial for the well-being of Europeans, for the recovery of tourism (a vital sector of the economy in many countries) and for proving that Europe still exists. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is a concern that is also shared by Josep Ramoneda<\/a> who calls for the release of the citizens because now that the first cases of de-escalation of confinement measures are occurring, what can only be justified by an exceptional situation cannot become routine. One cannot live in fear indefinitely. The time has come to free citizens from the legal gossip in which they are trapped, as France and Italy have well understood, and to share out responsibilities. There is no such thing as zero risk, and if we want to look for it we can suffocate. For the moment, three things can be deduced from the crisis: that the winners are the global powers that led the accelerated globalization (large multinational corporations, opaque investment funds, strategists of neoliberalism at all costs); that the confinement has consolidated the hegemony of the digital ideology; and that the States have had the opportunity to demonstrate that they still exist. The key question is whether they will now be able to use the power they have demonstrated to confine citizens now that the time has come for economic reconstruction, by strengthening key public sectors and placing limits on markets where they are inefficient for the general interest. For now, however, as Jim Fitzgerald warns in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a>, state responses to the Covid-19 pandemic are having discriminatory effects. If the discriminatory effects of the responses to the pandemic are not identified, understood and addressed, states will not comply with their obligations under international law. More importantly, it means that, as the world tries to fight the virus, the most vulnerable people in our societies will be hurt, excluded and left behind. In this regard, it is important to note that women have been particularly affected by the pandemic because they have had to take on (even more) caretaking tasks, and the lack of care does not seem to promise improvement. In an article published in The Guardian<\/em><\/a>, Moira Donegan states that in the long term the result could be the return of women to the domestic sphere, leading to a reversal of the progress made by the feminist movement during the last century. She also warns of the increased family and care burdens that confinement has placed on most women, a situation that has been aggravated by the decline in public service provision and the unwillingness of businesses to adapt to the needs of confined women.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On another level and as the coronavirus pandemic has spread around the world, several voices question the role of the international system and its institutions in managing the pandemic. The five permanent members of the UN Security Council have not even been able to hold a virtual summit on the coordination of the response to the virus. The G-20 and G-7 have been unable to take even basic decisions on global economic recovery. The most obvious case is that of the World Health Organization, the institution in charge of coordinating the international response against the virus, which had to take action under intense politicization and pressure from States. As Pickering and Trivedi point out in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a>, the core of the problem lies in the failure of the major powers, starting with the United States and China, to strengthen the multilateral system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Given the lack of efficient response from the international system, States and their Governments have capitalized on the response by mobilizing medical resources, implementing containment measures and deploying previously unimaginable expenditure to support citizens and businesses. In order to understand how the pandemic expands the power of governments – for better or for worse – by assuming new powers to track, monitor and control their citizens, Foreign Policy<\/a><\/em> dedicates a dossier with the contribution of 10 prominent thinkers such as Robert D. Kaplan or Stephen M. Walt. The latter, in anothe article<\/a> ppublished in the same magazine, nevertheless wants to send a message of hope and points out five positive aspects that may arise from the Covid-19 crisis: the slowdown, even if not momentary, of climate change; the prominent role of women leaders in the fight against the coronavirus; the indispensable role of public institutions in the management of the crisis; the greater effectiveness of liberal democracy with respect to authoritarian systems in containing and alleviating the effects of the pandemic; and a supposed change in North America’s global strategy yet to be demonstrated. Also in relation to the struggle between political, economic and ideological systems, from the pages of The Economist<\/em><\/a>, former US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright stresses that it is no coincidence that many of the countries that have effectively confronted the virus are strong democracies, such as Germany, Iceland, New Zealand, Norway, Taiwan and Finland (all headed by women). These and other examples show that the free flow of information, factual and evidence-based debate on different policy options, voluntary self-organization of civil society and established commitment between government and people are vital to combat the pandemic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Covid-19 pandemic also provides a harsh lesson in the workings of the natural world and demonstrates the extreme importance of knowledge of ecology. In an article published in The Guardian<\/em><\/a>, George Monbiot warns that we are in the midst of a collective failure: a resounding defeat for our education system, which is designed for a world we no longer live in. In fact, at a time when we urgently need to cooperate, we are educating ourselves for individual success in constant competition with others. But it turns out that this is a race without winners because what is considered an economic success ultimately means the ruin of the planet. A planet that, in order to survive, urgently needs to make the energy transition that in Le Monde Diplomatique<\/em> <\/a> Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric Lordon considers to consist in moving towards “green capitalism” or abandoning “not yet green” capitalism. It is a question of leaving capitalism, as clear as that. A transition of this nature must be reflected in three main questions, all related to the division of labour: 1) What we keep and what we are going to throw away; 2) The fact that the division of labour, especially under the slogan of “keeping” labour, implies that it is necessary to contemplate the solution of local autonomies; and 3) The new social relations in which the new division of labour must fit, so that it is no longer a capitalist-type division. This struggle could have some unexpected allies as Rebecca Henderson in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> points out, as the private sector increasingly begins to intervene and many of the world’s major asset owners have concluded that climate change is the most important long-term risk to the health of their portfolios. Obviously, this trend is not driven by altruism or a deep commitment to the environment, but by economic interests. For the largest asset owners, climate change is not an externality, but a real and very relevant threat to their long-term returns. In the end, it will be much harder to make money in a world where most major ports are under water, crops are systematically ruined and hundreds of millions of people are displaced or excluded by the effects of inequality. And to avoid this, The Economist<\/a><\/em> warns that it is necessary to be very clear that neither the virus nor the greenhouse gases understand borders, which means that both are global phenomena. It argues, however, that neither of the two emergencies is not receiving the coordinated international response it deserves, since the two crises not only resemble each other, but also interact. Therefore, the closure of entire sectors of the economy has led to a huge decrease in greenhouse gas emissions. In this regard, the International Energy Agency predicts that global greenhouse gas emissions will be approximately 8% lower in 2020 than in 2019, the largest annual decline since World War II. It is clear that the Covid-19 pandemic constitutes a unique opportunity to implement government policies that will move the carbon economy away from carbon at a lower financial, social and political cost than it might have been in the absence of the pandemic. In short, Covid-19 has shown that the foundations of our prosperity are precarious.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the economic sphere, another effect of the pandemic has been the renewed interest in basic income, as highlighted by  Guy Standing<\/a> a The Economist<\/em> where he stresses that in the post-pandemic world, basic income must be the pillar of a new income distribution system that fosters resilience and consolidates a society based on ethical and sustainable foundations. Basic income would help rescue workers who are precarious and excluded from social protection systems; it would strengthen people’s resilience, personal autonomy and mental health, and would ultimately revise the economy away from a model that links income and benefits to occupations where precariousness is the norm. An indispensable tool, then, to alleviate the effects of the crisis on precarious workers who, as Pascale Joasart-Marcelli warns in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a>, unlike workers in the formal economy who benefit from legal and social protections, constitute a segment of the population that must earn a living without a safety net. They are mostly women and mostly work on their own account, in occupations as varied as street vending, domestic work, transport and garbage collection. In short, the measures taken by many countries to combat the pandemic have threatened the livelihoods of informal workers and pushed them further into poverty, hunger and housing shortage. In the same vein, The Economist<\/em><\/a> insists that the Covid-19 is spoiling the results of years of progress in reducing poverty around the world, since in the countries of the global south, if everyone is unemployed and no one has an income there is no possibility of asking friends or family for money or help. Thus, for the first time since 1998 the number of extremely poor people is increasing and the World Bank estimates that 49 million people will fall into extreme poverty. Part of the problem lies in the fact that measures to confine and reduce infections are not sustainable in many countries because confining the population means relegating them to poverty: workers cannot go to work and lose their income, which is fatal, especially if we consider that the price of basic foodstuffs continues to rise. Ultimately, governments and citizens should prevent infections without completely freezing the economy, for example by allowing young people to work and by making factories and markets work with adequate protective measures and better monitoring of cases. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

As for Spanish politics, it is still dominated by the noise and fury of an increasingly harsh debate in which right-wing forces are trying to capitalise on the current health crisis and the looming economic crisis. In an article published in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a>, Josep Ramoneda warns that a decisive phase is approaching with a majority showing some cracks and an opposition, without the possibility of adding to it in order to build an alternative, which has chosen to seek its future in the street, at a time when a triple crisis must be faced: health, economic and educational. This rarefied climate highlights the phenomenon already known as the “Revoluci\u00f3n de los Cayetanos”, the object of analysis by Gerardo Tec\u00e9 in the magazine CTXT<\/em><\/a>, a situation reminiscent of the model of the revolution of the elites in Latin America. The mobilization of the protesters in the Salamanca neighbourhood is not to support the survival of the health system or the essential workers, but represents class selfishness and the reactionary rejection of a few who consider their privileges as owners and businessmen to be in danger. This revolt is part of a political panorama in which Guy Hedgecoe points out from the pages of Politico<\/a><\/em> that the three objectives that Pedro S\u00e1nchez had when he took office in January – finding a solution to the territorial crisis, maintaining economic stability and managing his weak parliamentary majority – have now been complicated by a health emergency that has plunged the country into a far-reaching economic crisis and further polarized the political battle. Hedgecoe also stresses that the tension in relations between the different regions and the central executive has increased (as in the case of Valencia and Madrid) and that the Covid-19 crisis has revealed the limits of the existing territorial system in Spain. As the unprecedented emergence has advanced, Madrid’s centralizing instinct has increased in parallel. This is a political crisis that Albert Noguera in El Diario<\/em><\/a> <\/em> also criticises in relation to the proposal of reconstruction agreements made by the Spanish government because from his point of view, and regardless of its content, a pact of this type is useful for the government as an anti-conflict measure, when in fact a certain dose of conflict is indispensable if the agreement is not to end up making the usual people pay the costs of the crisis. In fact, when it is the pact that conditions the conflict, in this case deactivating it, the result is always conservative and regressive for the popular sectors. If, on the other hand, it is the conflict that conditions the pact, it tends to have a more popular and progressive character.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, with regard to new technologies, new trends in data governance are reshaping the global digital economy, which now accounts for almost 16% of global GDP. However, new national data privacy and location laws are fundamentally altering the way companies can do business internationally. Among data management measures, data discovery represents a powerful tool for governments seeking to gain control of their data. Foreign Policy<\/em> <\/a> dedicates a three-part report to the topic. This first part of the series breaks down the rapidly evolving regulatory environment surrounding data growth by establishing emerging governance trends; cataloguing country-specific data location and data privacy laws; mapping regulation around the world; and explaining the risks and potential impacts on companies.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

This new edition of the Diari de les idees continues to focus on the analysis of the impact and political, social and economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. However, the social and political situation in the United States is also on the global agenda, as a result of the events surrounding the death of George Floyd at the hands of the Minneapolis police and the widespread outrage that has led to riots and unrest in most American cities. This is a political and social crisis in a society that is becoming increasingly polarized and fractured due to its structural and systemic racism.\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":71150,"template":"","category_newspaper":[139],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-14922","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-139"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 24 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-24\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 24 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This new edition of the Diari de les idees continues to focus on the analysis of the impact and political, social and economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. 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This is a political and social crisis in a society that is becoming increasingly polarized and fractured due to its structural and systemic racism.\u2026\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-24\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2020-06-04T15:29:55+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/06\/image_64834412.jpg?fit=840%2C473&ssl=1\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"840\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"473\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:image\" content=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/06\/image_64834412.jpg?fit=840%2C473&ssl=1\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"19 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-24\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-24\\\/\",\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 24 – IDEES\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-24\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-24\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2020\\\/06\\\/George_Floyd_mural_Mauerpark_Berlin_2020-05-30_02_cropped.jpg?fit=8137%2C4599&ssl=1\",\"datePublished\":\"2020-06-03T08:16:32+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2020-06-04T15:29:55+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-24\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-24\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-24\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2020\\\/06\\\/George_Floyd_mural_Mauerpark_Berlin_2020-05-30_02_cropped.jpg?fit=8137%2C4599&ssl=1\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2020\\\/06\\\/George_Floyd_mural_Mauerpark_Berlin_2020-05-30_02_cropped.jpg?fit=8137%2C4599&ssl=1\",\"width\":8137,\"height\":4599},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-24\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Inici\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":3,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 24\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/\",\"name\":\"IDEES\",\"description\":\"Contemporary global issues\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Diari de les idees 24 – IDEES","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-24\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Diari de les idees 24 – IDEES","og_description":"This new edition of the Diari de les idees continues to focus on the analysis of the impact and political, social and economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. 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