{"id":15229,"date":"2020-06-11T13:35:06","date_gmt":"2020-06-11T13:35:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-25-la-polaritzacio-racial-als-eua\/"},"modified":"2020-06-12T11:49:08","modified_gmt":"2020-06-12T11:49:08","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-25-la-polaritzacio-racial-als-eua","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-25-la-polaritzacio-racial-als-eua\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 25 – Special issue – Political polarization, racism and social conflict in the United States"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Following the events that are taking place in the United States as a result of the murder of George Floyd at the hands of the Minneapolis police, we are dedicating a special issue of the Diari de les Idees<\/em> to the analysis of these events. We present the selection of articles in five sections: the first focuses on the structural racism<\/em> in the United States that permeates American society and institutions; the second stresses the social, economic and cultural aspects<\/em> underlying the movements of indignation and revolt that are shaking the country; the third focuses on Donald Trump’s management of the crisis<\/em> and its increasingly authoritarian drift; the fourth aims to assess the implications of all this for democracy in the United States and the world<\/em>, and finally, the fifth points out the effects that this crisis may have on the presidential election<\/em> of November 3.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The United States is today a politically deeply polarized country. This division adds to the deep disunion that exists due to the slab of a slavery past that survives in a white supremacism that is still very active and discriminates the African-American community that represents 13% of the population in the United States. Cyclically, the African-American community is subject to cases of abuse and repeated episodes of uncontrolled institutional and police violence, often without criminal consequences, which fuels massive protest and widespread unrest across the country. Racism in the United States is not a new phenomenon, but has its roots in its founding moment as a country and permeates its political culture and institutional practices. Jake Bittle in\u00a0The Baffler<\/em><\/a>\u00a0recalls this through the example of the peculiar American electoral system for electing the President, which is the result of a compromise between the slaveholders to establish the electoral college. In the same vein, gerrymandering strategies to manipulate constituencies or electoral districts to gain advantages in favour of certain interests have also been a constant factor in the political history of the United States. Likewise, David Remnick relates in\u00a0The New Yorker<\/em><\/a>\u00a0<\/em> that the Black Lives Matter movement was initiated in 2013 during the Obama presidency in the face of the inability to reverse the situation of racism by the first African-American president in the history of the United States and against growing police abuses. A situation of structural racism that Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez denounces, emphasizing that those who demand an end to protests without demanding at the same time an end to police brutality, are also those who deny universal health care as a basic citizenship right or who avoid ending racial discrimination in issues such as housing, and that what they are in fact asking for is the perpetuation of a system of silent oppression.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the pages of\u00a0El Pa\u00eds <\/em><\/a>Sami Na\u00efr analyses the recent events as systemic racism and denounces that the murder of George Floyd, like that of so many black victims before him, is unfortunately banal, since it is not something new in a society still locked in its prejudices and, to some extent, in the inhumanity inherent in the American social model. For him, the American society is organized and thought out by white people, made by and for white people. A point of view also defended by Derrick Johnson in\u00a0The Guardian<\/em><\/a>\u00a0where he denounces that the expendability of African-American lives is not a flaw in the system, but rather a constituent element of the American system itself, where instead of protecting life and dignity, the value of human life is undervalued and discriminated on the basis of skin colour. For Johnson, this is how racism works and has manifested itself throughout the history of the United States. Jenipher Camino Gonzalez sums it up clearly in\u00a0Deustche Welle<\/em><\/a>\u00a0<\/em> where she states that the inability of much of white Americans to accept their own privileges and to empathize with the experiences of minorities is the greatest obstacle to progress and reconciliation. In the end, if progress is to be made toward eliminating racial prejudice and violence, white Americans will have to stop being complacent about systemic racism.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In CTXT<\/em><\/a> magazine, Ignasi Gozalo-Salellas argues that half a century after the United States emerged as the epicenter of the culture war for civil rights, the nightmare of racial inequality reappears as a foundational burden that divides society in two: the beneficiaries or aspirants of the country’s great machinery of economic, social and cultural capital, and those left out of this falsely meritocratic system, the vast majority of whom are African Americans<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond police violence, racism in the United States also lies in the enormous social and economic inequalities that run through society and particularly affect the African-American population. The Economist<\/em><\/a> reveals that according to the Census Bureau data, African Americans earn only three-fifths of what non-Hispanic whites do. In 2018, the median income of black households was $41,400 while that of whites was $70,600, and this gap continues to widen year by year. However, the income figures underestimate the real economic disparities because they only refer to people who have jobs. According to a study by Patrick Bayer of Duke University and Kerwin Charles of the University of Chicago quoted by the same newspaper, 35 per cent of young African Americans are unemployed or out of work, twice as many as whites. It is therefore not surprising that so many protesters believe that African Americans are not equal before the law, are not equal in terms of income and jobs, and are not equal in terms of health. What we might call health racism is evident in the fact that, as pointed out in The New Yorker <\/em><\/a>by Opal Tometi, one of the founders of the Black Lives Matter movement, over a third of the more than 100,000 deaths caused by the Covid-19 pandemic in the United States are African-American when they make up only 13 per cent of the population. In this context of racial, health and economic crisis, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor<\/a>, Professor of African American Studies at Princeton University, believes that the current events are not a mere repetition of past events, but are a consequence of the failures of the United States political and economic system to resolve previous crises. She also argues that there is a convergence of a class rebellion (white and privileged) at the centre of which are racism and racial terrorism, and that this is still unknown terrain for the United States. Ultimately, a social polarization that is also stressed by The Economist<\/em><\/a> that warns of the dangers of this situation in order to find a solution and implement policies of real equality in a country where race remains a determining factor. Indeed, a study published by the Pew Research Centre<\/a> on June 2 reveals that 81% of Republican voters are white, while only 59% of Democrats are, and put to choose between Joe Biden and Donald Trump, 90% of African Americans support the Democratic candidate for president. Under these circumstances, it seems that Donald Trump has once again opted for the strategy of polarization and racial division that helped him win the presidency four years ago.  In this respect, the statements made from the White House calling the protesters “thugs, criminals and looters” refer to a type of language that has historically served as a code for some white voters to know that the Republicans are on their side against the “violent mobs” of African Americans that threaten order and their prosperity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We are therefore witnessing a multi-dimensional crisis that reveals all the miseries of an American president who is considered by more and more experts to be completely incapable of holding office. Thomas Wright in The Atlantic<\/a><\/em> speaks of a true G\u00f6tterdammerung <\/em>that marks the beginning of the end of the era of a Donald Trump caught in a very violent downward spiral. Unable to carry out the policies necessary to deal with any of the three crises (health, economic and racial) that the country is experiencing, Trump uses violent rhetoric that appeals to the most primal senses. The same magazine reports explosive statements by James Mattis,<\/a> Trump’s former Secretary of State for Defense who resigned in December 2018 for his opposition to the president’s policy in Syria, where he supports the protesters, stating that Trump is trying to divide Americans and denouncing his threat to use the military as a serious menace to the constitutional rights of American citizens. Another devastating and blunt criticism is that of John Allen, president of the Brookings Institution, a retired four-star general in the US Marine Corps and former commander of US forces in Afghanistan, who warns in Foreign Policy <\/a><\/em>that we may be witnessing the beginning of the end of American democracy, denounces Trump’s silence about the underlying reasons for the riots – racism and systemic inequality – and stresses that there is no precedent in modern American history for a president announcing the intention to send federal troops into a state over the head of the governor. Matthew Feldman, a specialist in fascist and extreme right-wing ideology in Europe and the United States, goes even further and points out in The Independent <\/em><\/a>that Donald Trump’s statements about the protesters fit in with the discourse of a revolutionary populist nationalism, i.e. fascism, since Trump deliberately promotes the perception of the breakdown of law and order, the myth of anti-fascist terrorists and the seditious left, a narrative that has always been a basic element in the discourse of the American right. A view also shared by Ishaan Tharoor in The Washington Post <\/em><\/a>where he argues that whether by action or omission, Donald Trump and the Republicans govern on the basis of a policy of fascist principles, according to which opposing the president is tantamount to opposing the nation, leaving no room for dissent and democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a harsh article published in  The New Yorker <\/em><\/a>John Cassidy calls Donald Trump the worst danger to American democracy while expressing his fears about a possible cancellation or manipulation of the November presidential elections. If not so long ago, raising this question might sound overly alarmist, Trump’s response to the protests over the murder of George Floyd has shown once again that the warnings about democratic erosion that various experts have been sounding since his election in 2016 were not exaggerated. In this context, the isolation and pressure inherent in the position could exacerbate Trump’s authoritarian tendencies and lead him to seek a democratic breakdown as the recourse to crisis or political paralysis to justify emergency measures. In the same vein, from the pages of The New Statesman<\/a><\/em> <\/em><\/a>Paul Mason warns that the U.S. president has put himself at the helm of a new and terrifying far-right insurrection that is acting both on social networks and in the streets. In this regard, we must remember the images of armed white supremacists who tried to force their way into the Michigan Capitol at the beginning of May, or the statements of credible witnesses who speak of the infiltration of extreme right-wing groups into the protests to provoke what they have always fantasized about: a racial war. Faced with this situation, especially when the alliance between elites and supremacist groups control the spaces of power, Mason advocates that the only rational form of defence is an alliance of the centre and the left, an alliance of all communities that face racism, poverty and repression. Beyond a strictly national reading, historian Mary L. Dudziak analyses in  The<\/em><\/a> New York Times<\/em><\/a> <\/em>the dire consequences of Donald Trump’s management of the riots on the international image of the United States, especially in the context of its competition with China for world hegemony. She notes that the US president probably does not understand the extent to which police violence and racial injustice hinder US influence in the world, nor the way in which his own authoritarianism protects and justifies authoritarian practices in other countries, as in the case of China with Hong Kong. In a similar vein, Emilio Men\u00e9ndez del Valle in an article published in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> stresses that until recently the United States was one of the main guarantors of multilateral institutions. In fact, it is not easy to imagine the creation of the United Nations, NATO or the World Trade Organization without US support. Now, under the presidency of Donald Trump, and while China favours multilateralism, the United States has accelerated its turn towards isolationism as shown by the fact that the US president decreed a few weeks ago the withdrawal of the WHO. Finally, basing his analysis on the current racial conflict, Bernard E. Harcourt states in Le Grand Continent <\/em><\/a>that the United States has entered a new era, the historical impact of which we do not yet know sufficiently, based on a coherent, theorized and systematized vision of war, internal or external, through counter-insurgency. He warns that the signs of this momentous transformation are beginning to be detected under the Trump presidency and that it has crystallized into a counter-revolutionary form of government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, with regard to the analysis in electoral key, Juan Williams affirms in The New York Times<\/em><\/a> that right now it is the African-American vote that defines the American politics. In fact, Joe Biden would already be retired if it were not for the black vote: it is the African-American voters who have made him the Democratic candidate for the White House. In November, the number of African-American voters going to the polls in some of the crucial swing states such as Pennsylvania, Michigan or Wisconsin will probably be a decisive factor in the elections. In other words, this means that black voters, who make up 12 percent of the national electorate, may be the ones to choose the next president.  However, this optimistic reading is not shared by Jake Bittle <\/a>in his aforementioned article in The Baffler<\/em>. Many politicians, from Hillary Clinton to Barack Obama, have urged the protesters to go to the polls in November to make this the turning point for real change. But Bittle reminds that millions of people, especially African Americans, do not have fair or adequate access to the vote: often, when voting day comes, they discover that they have been removed from the lists, moved to a distant polling place, or deprived of their rights because of a previous criminal conviction. Even those who manage to vote do so in an undemocratic setting, electing congressmen in manipulated districts. For David Siders in Politico<\/em><\/a>, Donald Trump’s strategy of law and order rhetoric is aimed to courting the suburban vote, the so-called “silent majority” as Richard Nixon did in 1968 to defeat Lyndon B. Johnson. But the problem for Trump is that the United States of 2020 is not the United States of 1968. Rural areas have few voters, cities with Democratic majorities hate the president, and the very clear lines of separation that existed between urban centres and suburbs have become blurred as African Americans have diversified the suburban belts and wealthy whites have gentrified the urban centres. He warns, however, that the recent riots offer a cultural wedge with sufficient potential to mitigate the new suburban classes’ mistrust regarding Trump\u2019s polarizing style or his mismanagement of the coronavirus crisis. In the same magazine, Joshua Zeitz<\/a> warns that this is a mistaken strategy since Nixon’s 1968 message about law and order was not just about urban unrest. It was an attack on the ruling party for its alleged inaction in relation to the development of peace, prosperity and order.  And while both now and in 1968, the violence of recent days reveals a broader pattern of social and political dissolution, there is a key difference: today, the candidate who demands law and order is not in the opposition, but is the very one who has been unable to preserve it. The Republicans control the executive, the Senate and the Supreme Court. In the end, they are the sole masters of chaos, resentment and instability, and Trump is the one in control of the machine. To the extent that Lee Drutman, in FiveThirtyEight<\/em><\/a>, a website specializing in opinion polls and demoscopy, stresses that in recent days several qualified voices from the Republican ranks, such as former President George Bush, former White House candidate Mitt Romney or former General and Secretary of State Colin Powell, have declared that they will not support or vote for Donald Trump, which could mean that the base of Republican support for Trump may finally be cracking.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Following the events that are taking place in the United States as a result of the murder of George Floyd at the hands of the Minneapolis police, we are dedicating a special issue of the Diari de les Idees to the analysis of these events. We present the selection of articles in five sections: the first focuses on the structural racism in the United States that permeates American society and institutions; the second stresses the social, economic and cultural aspects underlying the movements of indignation and revolt that are shaking the country; the third focuses on Donald Trump’s management of the crisis and its increasingly authoritarian drift; the\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":71146,"template":"","category_newspaper":[139],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-15229","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-139"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 25 - Special issue - Political polarization, racism and social conflict in the United States – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-25-la-polaritzacio-racial-als-eua\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 25 - Special issue - Political polarization, racism and social conflict in the United States – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Following the events that are taking place in the United States as a result of the murder of George Floyd at the hands of the Minneapolis police, we are dedicating a special issue of the Diari de les Idees to the analysis of these events. 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