{"id":15597,"date":"2020-06-29T07:00:06","date_gmt":"2020-06-29T07:00:06","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-26\/"},"modified":"2020-06-29T11:14:22","modified_gmt":"2020-06-29T11:14:22","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-26","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-26\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 26"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

At a time when the end of lockdowns is being completed and the path towards a certain normality is beginning to be resumed, this new edition of the Diari de les idees<\/em> once again focuses on its usual themes of analysis and reflection without, however, underestimating the impact that the Covid-19 pandemic is having and will continue to have on our societies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus, we would like to begin by highlighting an article by former Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China He Yafei published in Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> where he shares his views on the Covid-19 pandemic and the intensification of rivalry with the United States, which is an essential perspective for understanding the Chinese position in the struggle for global hegemony. He states that Covid-19 has wreaked havoc on world governance and globalization, while denouncing the fact that the United States seems determined to drag China into a destructive geopolitical rivalry from which no one can emerge victorious. In his view, the pandemic was a litmus test and a call to all countries to reflect on the state of the world and take decisions that would lead to a better and safer global system from all points of view. The functioning of the global system in times of multidimensional crisis is also analysed by Francis Fukuyama in the pages of Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a>. He who made famous the concept of the “end of history” considers that success or failure in the management of the pandemic does not depend on the type of regime, but that the determining factors have been the management capacity of the State, the confidence of society in its leaders and the quality of leadership. Countries that have had all three elements, regardless of their political regime, have achieved positive results and limited human, social and economic harm. In contrast, countries with dysfunctional states, polarized societies or weak or incompetent leadership have left their citizens and economies in a much more vulnerable position. In the same journal, Stewart Patrick<\/a> analyses the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and the costs that the dysfunction of the global governance system is having. Indeed, the chaotic global response to the coronavirus crisis has damaged citizens’ trust in supranational institutions and most countries, even the most powerful, have turned in on themselves, marginalizing multilateral institutions and especially the World Health Organization. We must therefore learn the lesson and assume that the multilateral governance system is not a self-regulating and autonomous machine that automatically comes into action when needed, since neither technocratic knowledge nor institutional reforms can compensate for the current lack of political direction and leadership in this system. This system is also affected by the instability that hits one of its traditional pillars, the United States, where the shock wave caused by the disastrous management of Covid-19 and Donald Trump’s divisive response to the widespread outcry against systemic racism that is entrenched in the heart of the American system continues. In this area, the very interesting contribution of Mark Y Rosenberg stands out. In Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> he compares the current situation in the United States with that of the last years of apartheid<\/em> in South Africa. He points out that both the South African revolts of the 1970s and 1980s and those of the last few weeks in the United States share the morally unequivocal objective of ending systemic racism, and are due to a concatenation of political and economic events that have moved this objective from social marginality to the centre of political debate. It is relevant that, just as the economic and political elites of South Africa were regarding the repression against the anti-apartheid<\/em> movement, in recent days there have been lines of fracture within the American Republican elites, as showed by the statements of numerous high military officers or qualified representatives of the US conservative establishment. A complementary feminist view is that of Tamara Winfrey-Harris in The Atlantic<\/em><\/a> where she denounces the lack of visibility and attention that African-American women and girls receive in the coverage of the protests. She points out that if the challenges faced by black women are minimised, we run the risk of losing the complete picture of devastation that the American state imposes on African-Americans without taking into account gender, age, sexuality or class. Ultimately, there can be no justice for African Americans unless women are included as well. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The gender perspective and the debates of feminism are at the heart of democratic debates and the demand for the rights of all women. With the title “All women”, the editorial<\/a> of CTXT journal responds in a very critical way to the publication of the paper on feminism and gender theories published by the PSOE, which in its opinion represents an escalation in the offensive of a sector of feminism against the recognition of the existence of transsexual women. The reality is that an inclusive feminist movement that includes all women, racialized, trans, of any confession or social level, will be stronger and more effective in questioning the concepts and behaviour patterns of a patriarchal society and in achieving social inclusion and equality for all women. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

As regards Europe, Gary Younge in his article in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> warns that while many claim that things are better here than in the United States, this claim ignores both Europe’s colonial past and its own racist present. For Europe also has a history of exporting racism around the world and is now one of the epicentres where far-right populism is increasingly becoming a mainstream ideology, with openly racist parties at the centre of the landscape. In La Vanguardia, Enric Juliana also analyses the current situation in Europe and emphasizes that the most remarkable thing is the European reconstruction plan as it represents a very important change of perspective since we are witnessing a Hamilton moment that somehow means a resurgence of European federalism. A possible change of paradigm, which Marta Cillero insists on in Social Europe<\/em><\/a> where she states that the pandemic represents an opportunity for the citizens of Europe to take advantage of it in their favour, if they really want a democracy that takes care of all and not just a few. Cillero calls for an assembly of European citizens that will once again open up the space for discussion and deliberation among citizens across the continent and provide a place for reflection on how to further expand the process in the coming years and how to articulate the main demands of citizens. All of this within the framework of a Europe where, as Frank Schimmelfennig argues in an article published in Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a>, <\/em> the Covid-19 pandemic has reinforced the integration crises of the last decade, exacerbated existing differences in economic performance and fiscal health between the member states of northern and southern Europe, and put new pressures on the cohesion of the Eurozone. In Politico<\/em><\/a> Lili Bayer reveals the new network of alliances as EU member states compete for billions of euros to drive Europe’s recovery. Thus, the Covid-19 and the Commission’s recovery proposal have turned traditional alliances and north-south cleavages upside down, leading to a more fragmented negotiation process in which countries move into different factions depending on the particular issue at hand.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding the Spanish political moment, it is worth mentioning Jordi Amat’s analysis in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a> about the radicalization of the opposition of the Partido Popular<\/em>, where he underlines that besides criticizing an erratic government, the PP has an unavoidable objective: the defence of a techno structure that reacts with forcefulness when it sees its hegemonic position threatened. However, Amat believes that there are now conditions to build a peripheral alternative for territories that are not content to play only a residual and provincial role. The key will be excellence in adapting to the regionalized globalization that will come. Those who know how to establish the right alliances, between territories and with Europe, will be able to put up a fight. Along the same lines, from the pages of El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> Cristina Monge stresses that the exercise in innovation that the autonomous communities were in their day has been overwhelmed after 40 years of practice in which the model has not evolved in an orderly or consensual manner. Now the pandemic has revealed that the different levels of administration form a puzzle into which all the pieces must fit. Ultimately, the Covid-19 has shown a federal nature of Spain that has never been developed. It is therefore urgent to create mechanisms that help to build trust and mutual collaboration in order to advance the coherence between the nature of this society and its model of territorial organisation. Josep Ramoneda<\/a> argues that reconstruction must involve a return to public policies with special attention to those territories in which the logic of markets is inefficient, except for those that believe that it is inevitable to condemn a part of the citizenry to marginalisation. In other words, the right to a dignified life, to health care, but also to education, work and housing must be updated because a return to exponential acceleration after the great standstill would only lead to an increase in social gaps.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the field of thought, we highlight the interview in CTXT<\/a><\/em> of the philosopher Jacques Ranci\u00e8re, one of the most influential contemporary authors in the field of political thought, theory of the arts and philosophy of education. He states that the analyses that seek to respond to the present situation and prepare the future were completely prepared beforehand, from the theory of the state of exception and the criticism of the society of control and of the totalitarianism of Big Data to the need to rethink from top to bottom the relation between the human and the non-human. From his point of view, on the other hand, it is absolutely necessary to maintain the necessary distance from the position of the intellectual who is obliged to respond to the requirements of the present time in order not to trivialize the unexpected by locking him in a causal chain that makes him retrospectively predictable. A current situation that reveals the dangers democracy is facing at a global level, as Rachel Brown remind in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> where she insists that peace means not only the absence of war between countries, but also the absence of conflicts that threaten lives, communities and the stability of institutions and regimes. Therefore, if peace is about stable governments resolving conflicts without violence and providing security and other basic functions to their citizens, then Covid-19 has already begun to erode peace around the world. As Larry Diamond<\/a> warns in Foreign Affairs<\/em>, the impact of the pandemic on democratic systems will depend not only on how long the health crisis lasts and how badly it ravages economies and societies. It will also depend on how democracies compare with autocracies in containing the health and economic effects of the virus, on who wins the race for a vaccine and, more generally, on who – whether China, the United States or democratic countries – proves to be the most generous and effective provider of global public goods to fight the pandemic. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in an article published in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a>, Ilan Bizbergm points out that the current health crisis has revealed what is not working in our societies and in the relationship with nature and with our fellow human beings. It is therefore appropriate that the social movements that were already working towards a change of model before the pandemic should resurface with greater force because we must be aware that it is precisely in the normality experienced up to now that the problem lies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the economic sphere, The Economist<\/em><\/a> analyses the impact of Covid-19 on the culture of work and points out that it is difficult to imagine that working life will return to pre-pandemic forms. Over the last few months, many workers have been teleworking and have not had to travel on overcrowded public transport, while employers have realised that the centralised office space, with the consequent costs of rent and maintenance, may no longer be the main option. As a result, in the post-Covid era, the boundary between private and working life will be even more difficult to draw. Continuing with the economic consequences of the coronavirus, Adam Tooze wonders in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> whether, because of the galloping crisis, the proliferation of voices opposed to globalization, as we have known it up to now may bring about its end. Somehow, a certain conception of globalization based on the vision of a homogeneous world because of globalization is already dead, as symbolized by the fact that the WTO, the institution that most clearly embodied this vision, is in tatters. In a similar vein, John Evans notes in Social Europe<\/em><\/a> <\/em> that beyond this crisis, rebuilding supply chains and a more socially and environmentally sustainable globalization will require stronger international cooperation and a more effective G20. Otherwise, unless governments show more interest in the international sphere and increase their support for the multilateral system, they will repeat the mistakes of the past. Given the importance of the tourism and travel sector in the world economy, and especially in view of the recovery that must follow the devastation caused by the Covid-19, Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a><\/em>\u00a0dedicates a special dossier where it gathers the opinion of several specialists in a sector where the collapse has led to the bankruptcy of hotel chains, restaurants, car rental agencies, etc. and has left some 100 million people unemployed. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Between economy and sustainability, Corinna Burkhart considers in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a> that after decades on the defensive against neoliberalism, the left has begun to adopt positive visions of the future, as can be seen for example in the social movements that range from community gardens and workers’ cooperatives to the Women’s Protection Units in Syrian Kurdistan. In short, these are new economic models and practices around the commons, agro-ecology and cooperatives aimed at transforming the existing economic system that provide fertile ground for the development of ideas, practices and actions that lead to a better life for all. These sustainability models and practices should take into account the new role of cities in the post-Covid world. The Economist<\/em><\/a> dedicates an article to cities where it warns that since the outbreak of the coronavirus, large urban centres have reason to be concerned. Covid-19 has hit global cities hardest: with 3% of the US population, New York has suffered 19% of the deaths attributed to the disease and one in four French deaths occurred in Paris and its region. The virus has attacked the core of what makes cities successful and attractive. Some already have bold plans to expand cycle path networks, and barriers have been placed to encourage pedestrians to occupy sections of road. Ultimately, large cities are vital to the existence of modern states because they are not only large contributors to national budgets but also because they are the place where people learn to live in a modern and open society. They are machines for creating citizens.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, and with regard to new technologies, in Social Europe<\/em><\/a> Reinhard Messerschmidt and Stefan Ullrich argue that, in the current debates on Artificial Intelligence, the focus is mainly on the “intelligence” part, which is misleading because the main moral and political implications derive from the fact that AI is “artificial”, i.e. a socio-technical artefact. The authors call for a public ICT ecosystem that, based on truly sustainable and data-protection-friendly business models and green IT, is truly at the service of citizens, businesses, governments and the common good, i.e. vulnerable people living on an increasingly vulnerable planet. As for AI, Selin Sayek B\u00f6ke<\/a> calls for the creation of a regulatory framework for the implementation of AI that protects public health without endangering human rights. This framework should ensure that AI in health care empowers citizens to make better-informed decisions and provides information to hold governments accountable for the decisions they make. To ensure that AI does not become an instrument that exacerbates inequities, it should also ensure that data and algorithms are impartial and that processes are transparent and inclusive. This is not the case at present, as Stephen Kearse stresses in The Nation<\/a><\/em>. It is necessary to take into account the many ways in which science and technology can expose people to discrimination. Therefore, the relationship between new technologies, particularly AI, and race is a minefield full of obstacles and invisible traps. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

At a time when the end of lockdowns is being completed and the path towards a certain normality is beginning to be resumed, this new edition of the Diari de les idees once again focuses on its usual themes of analysis and reflection without, however, underestimating the impact that the Covid-19 pandemic is having and will continue to have on our societies. Thus, we would like to begin by highlighting an article by former Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China He Yafei published in Le Grand Continent where he shares his views on the Covid-19\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":77128,"template":"","category_newspaper":[139],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-15597","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-139"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 26 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-26\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 26 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"At a time when the end of lockdowns is being completed and the path towards a certain normality is beginning to be resumed, this new edition of the Diari de les idees once again focuses on its usual themes of analysis and reflection without, however, underestimating the impact that the Covid-19 pandemic is having and will continue to have on our societies. 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