{"id":16831,"date":"2020-07-17T06:28:10","date_gmt":"2020-07-17T06:28:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/"},"modified":"2020-07-21T10:13:38","modified_gmt":"2020-07-21T10:13:38","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-27","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 27"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

This new edition of the Diari de les idees<\/em>\nappears at a time of growing uncertainty regarding the evolution of the\nCovid-19 pandemic, given the numerous outbreaks that are taking place a little\neverywhere, with a particularly worrying situation in the Segri\u00e0 region and the\nmetropolitan area of Barcelona. Uncertainty and concern also occupy the\ndifferent areas of analysis on which we focus.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In international politics, The Economist<\/em><\/a> <\/em>analysts warn that the threat of a greater\ndisorder facing the global governance system is a real risk. If the US gives up\nleading the world order as it is happening under the presidency of Donald\nTrump, middle powers such as Japan and Germany would have to take a step\nforward. Having overcome the “unipolar moment” since the collapse of\nthe USSR, China is increasingly consolidating a new hegemony. An international\nsystem with a growing influence of China since the arrival to power of\nPresident Xi Jinping and that questions the international dynamics and the\nliberal democracies. Timothy McLaughlin warns in The Atlantic<\/em><\/a>\n<\/em>that the national security law recently approved in\nHong Kong under pressure from the Chinese government is a bloodless version of\nthe 1989 Tiananmen Square massacre in that it aims to intimidate and terrorize\npeople so that the pro-democracy protests of 2019, in which millions of people\ndemonstrated for universal suffrage, will not be repeated. More concerned are\nMichael Green and Evan Medeiros who warn in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> that\nthe shadow of Taiwan is lengthening in this context of recession of democratic\nrights under the expansive policy of Beijing and consider that the Chinese leaders\ncould conclude that the risks and costs of a future military action against\nTaiwan are low or more or less bearable. Although a Chinese assault on the\nisland is neither imminent nor inevitable, recent actions by Beijing in Hong\nKong -and other parts of Asia such as the clash between Indian and Chinese\ntroops in the Galwan Valley in mid-June- and the increasing use of coercive\ntactics to achieve political objectives, are elements of concern. As Simon\nTisdall puts it in the British newspaper The Guardian<\/em><\/a>,\nChina is acting exactly as all the emerging powers have done since empires and\nsatrapies were invented, while hopes that it will eventually become democratic\nhave been dashed. Ultimately, and in the absence of tougher and more unified\nWestern resistance and meaningful political sanctions, Xi Jinping will go on,\nas emperors tend to do.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Oona Hathaway and Scott J. Schapiro also in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> <\/em>stress that precisely the abandonment\nof world leadership by the United States can have an unexpectedly positive\neffect, since it can initiate a stage of global governance that opens up new\npossibilities for more decentralized and democratic systems of governance\ninvolving genuine cooperation among a critical mass of nations. In short, the\nfailure of the United States to lead the global system in this time of crisis\nwould be an opportunity to effectively and transform a governance system that\nhas been slowly eroding over decades.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Linked to European politics, the defeat of the Spanish\nDeputy Prime Minister Nadia Calvi\u00f1o in her attempt to achieve the presidency of\nthe Eurogroup represents a Europeanist defeat, as the editorial in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> <\/em>points out. Of course, it is bad\nnews for Spain, which aspired to rebalance the unequal fate achieved in the\ndistribution of posts in the EU institutions a year ago. However, it is also a\ndefeat for a certain idea of Europeanism given that the winning candidate, the\nIrishman Paschal Donohoe, is opposed to any hint of tax harmonisation, is\nopposed to establishing a minimum tax on the large American technology\nmultinationals and comes from a country that has a rickety corporate tax rate.\nIn a way, therefore, it repeats last summer’s episode when conservative MEPs\nbroke the pact that their leaders had made for the European institutions’\ncharter, which included Dutch Labour Frans Timermans at the head of the\nCommission. In Social Europe<\/em><\/a> <\/em>Maria Petmedisou and Ana Guill\u00e9n\nconsider this Europeanism to be a victim of the north-south stereotypes that\nhave been generated by the way countries have managed the 2008 crisis and which\nhave reinforced the moralistic story of the “frugal north” against\nthe “reckless south”. The current pandemic has deepened these stigmas\nas shown by the difficulty in reaching an agreement on the distribution of the\nEuropean recovery fund. On the other hand, legitimising policies based on a\nmoral narrative that provokes contempt from part of the European public is\ninadmissible if the aim is to build a common project on equal, respectful and\nunprejudiced terms. A north-south divide that is also reflected in the\nnegotiations that must lead to the establishment of a new budget for the EU and\nthat present conflicting points analysed by Lili Bayer in Politico<\/em><\/a>\nmagazine. First, there is the question of the size of the budget, as five\ncountries – Austria, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands and Sweden – are\npressing for a reduction in the level of expenditure and, in particular, for a\nreduction in the amount of subsidies in the recovery plan. Second, timing: the\nCommission wants to allocate the money from the planned fund of EUR 750 billion\nbetween 2021 and 2024 but the countries of the North are pressing for the fund\nto operate for only two years – a position also shared by Germany and France.\nThird, some Northern countries insist that access to funding must be\nconditional on the implementation of concrete reforms. Fourth, the Commission’s\nproposal to distribute EUR 310 billion on the basis of a formula that would\ntake account of unemployment rates between 2015 and 2019 has been\ncontroversial. Finally, the European Parliament and a large coalition of\ncountries are pressing for new sources of revenue to be found to help relieve\nthe pressure on the volume of contributions to the budget, the so-called own\nresources. Chancellor Angela Merkel talks about all this in an interview with The Guardian<\/em><\/a>\n<\/em>and five other European newspapers where she analyses\nEurope’s economic response to the coronavirus pandemic, its position in the\nBrexit negotiations and the global challenges posed by the United States,\nRussia and China. Merkel stresses that the EU’s reconstruction fund is a unique\nresponse to a unique situation and that, if fundamental aspects of the way the\nEU budget is managed were to be changed or, for example, the EU was to be given\nthe right to raise taxes, the treaties would have to be amended. The Chancellor\nis confident that this will be a matter for discussion in the years to come, but\nit must be done with caution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From the pages of the same newspaper, Adam\nTooze<\/a> points out that the pandemic has\nbeen a great challenge to the way in which we define collective imagination: it\nhas made us aware of the high degree of interdependence between countries and\nthe extreme difficulty we have in knowing the global forces that define what is\nhappening. This leads Breno Bringel to consider in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a> that a global\nmovement is needed to set new directions for a new era, because only in this\nway can we move from a destructive globalization to a pluriverse one. He also\noutlines the three projects that focus the contemporary political debate in the\npost-pandemic world: a) \u2018business as usual\u2019, centred on GDP growth, predatory\ndevelopment and the search for new market shares to get out of the crisis with\nadjustment policies that once again require the sacrifice of all to maximise\nthe benefit and profit of a few; b) the Green New Deal, which although it\ninitially emerged a decade ago in the environmental sphere of the United\nKingdom, has had more repercussions in recent years as a result of a proposal\nby Democratic deputies in the United States to generate social and economic\nreforms that would lead to a transformation of the energy system. This idea has\nspread very quickly during the pandemic, with appropriations by several\ncompanies, international organizations and the EU itself, which is creating its\nown European Green Deal; and c) the change of paradigm towards a new economic\nand eco-social matrix, proposed by more combative environmental movements and\nvarious anti-capitalist sectors that are betting on degrowth and more breakaway\nmeasures as the only possible alternative. In this sense, although most\nanalysts who have analysed the Covid-19 pandemic have conceptualised it as the\nfinal stage of neoliberalism, or at least as a turning point, Sheri Berman wonders\nin Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> whether\nthere is any reason to believe that this will be the case. She argues that the\nproblem lies in the fact that crises and transformations are often confused:\nwhile the former are common and do not necessarily have an effect that changes\nthe status quo, transformations rarely occur. In historical moments when there\nis a great density of events, it is difficult for them to lead, on their own,\nto a transformation: power and planning capacity are needed. As it has happened\nin previous historical experiences, the inability to take advantage of the crisis\ncould end up preventing a radical transformation of systemic conditions.\nWhether the left can take advantage of the current situation as an opportunity\nto transform everything will depend on whether it is able to avoid the mistakes\nmade by its predecessors in 1848, 1930 and 2008. In short, conservative forces\nhave already mobilized to defend the status quo, and if progressives fail to\ntake advantage of the crisis to push for a structural transformation, history\nwill reach a turning point that will pave the way for the extreme right and\nanti-liberal forces.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to the economy, Bruno Ma\u00e7\u00e3es points out in\nForeign Policy<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that pandemics have been a\nrecurrent phenomenon throughout human history, but that a pause such as the one\nwe have experienced during the months of lockdown is a totally new fact, and\nthe way in which an event of this type is responded to reveals many things\nabout society: in ours, normality is movement and speed, and the response to\nthe crisis has been through the cessation of economic and social activity, thus\nquestioning the idea that economic time cannot be stopped. The crisis has\nrevealed things that we did not believe possible and will make it possible to\nthink of ways of doing things that we would never have predicted, precisely\nbecause the economic standstill has made the idea that another world is\npossible and that socio-economic life can be reprogrammed. As Jonathan Aldred\nargues in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> <\/em>even before the pandemic struck,\nthe world economy was already facing a series of deepening crises: the climate\nemergency, extreme inequality and huge changes in the world of work, with\nrobots and AI systems progressively replacing humans. In this context, conventional\neconomic theories have had little to offer. In fact, they have acted as a cage\naround our thinking, vetoing a number of progressive political ideas by\nlabelling them as unaffordable, counterproductive, incompatible with the free\nmarket, etc. Worse still, the economy has led us, in a subtle and insidious\nway, to internalize a set of values and ways of seeing the world that prevent\nus from even imagining various forms of radical change. These changes are\nnecessary and indispensable, as Joseph Stiglitz points out in Social Europe<\/em><\/a>, where he sets\nout the priorities that should govern economic reconstruction after Covid-19.\nHe states that difficult decisions will have to be made and that, for example,\ncompanies that were already in decline before the crisis should not be rescued;\nto do so would simply create \u2018zombies’, ultimately limiting dynamism and\ngrowth. Nor should we rescue companies that were already too heavily in debt to\nbe able to withstand any shock. Since it seems likely that Covid-19 will continue\nto be present for a long period, Stiglitz points out that we have time to\nensure that our spending reflects our priorities. For example, when the\npandemic broke out, American society was divided by racial and economic\ninequalities, deteriorating health standards, and a destructive dependence on\nfossil fuels. Now that government spending is slowing down massively, citizens\nhave the right to demand that businesses that receive aid contribute to social\nand racial justice, improved health, and a shift to a greener, knowledge-based\neconomy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A more than necessary change in the economic paradigm\nthat also has an impact on sustainability inasmuch as, as Jordi Mir points out\nin El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a>, we cannot\nforget that it is precisely the normality that we have experienced up to now\nthat has led us to the virus. We should therefore pay more attention to\nthinking that the new coronavirus is more a consequence than a cause of human\nunrest. The virus is a consequence of our depredation of the environment, of\ndeforestation, of our relationship with the living beings with whom we live on\nthis planet. The virus is a consequence of our neglect of epidemiology, of the\nelimination or reduction of services in charge of studying viruses, of\npreparing for pandemics. The same applies to the health systems hit by the\ncuts. An awareness that has led to significant changes in the way politicians\nview the climate emergency. An article published in The Economist<\/em><\/a> <\/em>analyses the new political\nphenomenon of alliances between conservatives and ecologists, taking as an\nexample the formation of the new coalition government in Ireland. Indeed, the\npandemic has served to highlight the reality of disasters that were known but\nlong ignored. The need to compensate for the economic damage of the pandemic\nhas led centre-right governments to use the tools of big governments to pool\nmedical resources, support economies and save millions of jobs. And their huge\nbailouts have often been labelled green. \u2018Greencon’ alliances are for now\nmarriages of convenience, born of the fragmentation of European politics that\nis forcing parties of all stripes to contemplate new alliances. It is\nimpossible to know now whether this type of new alliance will have a chance or\nremain a mere anecdote, as voters might reject their policies as opportunistic.\nHowever, they can also be considered as a feature of modern politics where\nparties keep campaign promises and do things accordingly. In short, the\npandemic has reinforced this strange mix, forcing many politicians to be more\npragmatic than they would like. Useful skills for a new kind of politics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As for the Spanish political moment, it is marked by\nthe holding of the elections in Galicia and the Basque Country on July 12, the\nfirst ones after having overcome the hardest moments of lockdown due to the\nCovid-19 pandemic, and which, without causing significant changes in terms of\ngovernance, have left some very clear winners and losers. Without the acronym,\nwithout the party logo and without the presence of the national leadership in\nhis campaign, the Galician leader of PP has become an indisputable reference\npoint for a party that has not been able to find the right path to follow since\nhe left the Government. Feij\u00f3o has not only won the elections, but has also won\nhis bet for a moderate right-wing, without stridencies and far from the exalted\nspeech of VOX, imposed by Pablo Casado since the last general elections by the\nremnants of Aznarism. Added to this is the resounding defeat of Carlos Iturgaiz\nin the Basque Country, a personal bet by Casado that has been a resounding\nfailure. A new electoral fiasco of Casado’s extremist line, therefore, that\nwill almost certainly add another bump in the forthcoming elections to the\nCatalan Parliament, where the prospects for the PP are not very promising.\nSigns that a new internal war is beginning for the leadership on the right. The\nresults of the PSOE have also been bad, given that in Galicia it has been\novertaken by a BNG that has recovered the positions lost because of the\nemergence of the \u2018mareas\u2019 phenomenon four years ago, while in the Basque\nCountry it has barely maintained the same result obtained in the last elections.\nWorse still are the results of its partners in Government: in Euskadi, Podemos\nhas lost almost half of its seats while in Galicia it has lost all of them and\nhas gone from being the second force in the autonomous Parliament to being left\nout, with less than 4% of the votes. In short, as Lola Garc\u00eda argues in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a>, these Galician\nand Basque elections leave two messages: a commitment to stability and the\ngrowth of nationalism. In other words, the coronavirus epidemic has not\ngenerated a desire for radical change, but rather a refuge effect. Both the\nGalician PP and the PNV have managed the institutions for a long time and the\nvoter has had the perception that, with them in power, there will be no\nsurprises. The other conclusion is the rise of nationalism and independence of\nthe BNG and Bildu, nuanced from a pragmatic view of politics. On the other\nhand, the clear winner of the Basque elections, the PNV also represents the\ndefence of the Basque homeland, but \u00cd\u00f1igo Urkullu is the maximum exponent of\nits more pragmatic version that practices a balance between the aspiration to\nindependence and the management of autonomy combined with influence where the\nfuture is decided. At the same time, the growth of the pro-independence left,\nwhich has matched its best ever results, is also due to the same phenomenon.\nIts growth has taken place with hardly any talk of independence during the\ncampaign and with a strategy prioritizing social demands over independence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As for Catalonia, it is worth noting that just ten\nyears ago the Spanish Constitutional Court made public its ruling rejecting the\nnew Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia, which had been approved by the vast\nmajority of Catalans. Ten years that, according to Jordi Amat’s reflection in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a>, have been\nyears of disconnection while the ruling created an institutional knot that became\na conflict of state. He points out that the TC not only deactivated a dynamic\nof nationalities fitting in with the State of the autonomies, but also\ninitiated a crisis of consent between a growing part of Catalans and the State:\na crisis that has widened to the point of opening a significant gap in the\nquality of Spanish democracy. Even more forceful is the analysis of the jurist\nand professor of constitutional law Javier P\u00e9rez Royo in El Diario<\/em><\/a> <\/em>where he describes the TC’s ruling\nas a coup d’\u00e9tat. He also warns that until a response is given to Catalonia’s\nintegration into the State that can be generally accepted, Spain will not\nproperly have a democratic territorial Constitution. He considers that the\ncrisis of the social state because of the economic crisis of 2008 in connection\nwith the constitutional crisis of 2010 has brought about a decade of\nuninterrupted democratic crisis in Spain. In an article published in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a>, Josep Ramoneda\nreflects on the current situation of the pro-independence movement in Catalonia\nand considers that although social support continues to exist and voting\nexpectations do not seem to be declining, there is nevertheless great strategic\nconfusion and a high level of confusion in the political space for\nindependence. The translation of all this is the strategic disagreement between\nthe main players in the pro-independence movement, between those who still\ninsist on the unilateral path and those who are committed to a long-distance\nrace, aware that self-determination is not currently on the agenda. In La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a>, Oriol\nJunqueras and Pere Aragon\u00e9s set out the main lines of what from their point of\nview should be the process of Catalonia’s recovery after the pandemic and\nestablished seven priority axes. They consider that we must face the\nreactivation towards a new productive model with high added value; reinforce\npublic services to build a modern and advanced welfare state; reconcile work\nand life; re-structure the territory and advance towards a balanced and\nnetworked country; commit to renewable energy and a commitment to zero waste;\nrecover culture as an impulse for a free and committed citizenship; and build a\nbroad path towards independence. Towards the Republic of rights and freedoms.\nFinally, they stress that it is essential for independence to have a shared\nstrategy, a strategy capable of bringing together the plurality and diversity\nof Catalan society, which will allow for greater complicity, based on the\ndesire for agreement, cooperation and not competition. In addition, let us not\nforget that we must build a free, fair, diverse, prosperous, clean and feminist\nCatalonia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, a note on the major changes that will also\nhave to be applied to the field of innovation and new technologies. Martin\nSch\u00fc\u00dfler states in Social Europe<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that since Artificial Intelligence\ninvolves interactions between machines and humans, “explainable AI”\nis a new challenge. Explainable Artificial Intelligence (Xai) is a generic term\nthat covers research methods and techniques that seek to achieve this goal. An\nexplanation can be seen as a process as well as a product: it describes the\ncognitive process of identifying the causes of an event. At the same time, it\nis usually a social process between an explanator (sender of an explanation)\nand an explanee (receiver of an explanation), with the aim of transferring\nknowledge. Many intelligent systems will not completely replace human\noccupations – the fear of total automation and the eradication of jobs is as\nold as the idea of AI itself. Instead, they will automate specific tasks that\nwere previously performed (semi-) manually. As a result, human interaction with\nintelligent systems will be much more common than it has been until now. Human\ninput and understanding is therefore a prerequisite for the creation of\nintelligent systems and the development of their full potential. A\ntechnological potential that is also conveyed by 5G and that Arun Bansal\nanalyses in Politico<\/em><\/a> where he\nexplains that the Covid-19 pandemic has reinforced the importance of\nconnectivity as a critical infrastructure. Whether it is home schooling,\ndistance working, online health care or content delivery, Europe needs high\nquality, expansive connectivity to ensure social equity and a platform for\ninnovation that does not distort carbon-neutral growth. Within this context,\nthe transition to 5G offers a unique opportunity not only to establish an open\ninnovation platform for carbon-neutral growth, but also to break the energy\ncurve of connectivity. Equally important, the implementation of the full potential\nof expansive connectivity and 5G could bring 2.2 trillion to the European\neconomy by 2030 and have an exponential impact on reducing carbon emissions.\nFinally, in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> Carl\nBenedikt Frey and Michael Osborne refute the analyses that compare the current\nstruggle of the US and China for hegemony in Artificial Intelligence with the\nconfrontation between the US and Japan in the 1990s over computer supremacy.\nThey argue that this will not happen because while China is rich in data and\nhas excelled in the refinement of technology invented elsewhere, many factors\nprevent it from becoming the place where the next great advance that the\ndevelopment of Artificial Intelligence needs takes place. Indeed, they point\nout that the puzzle of AI does not lie for data its algorithms have access to,\nbut in the efficiency with which AI learns from this data. Ultimately,\nexperimentation and decentralized decision-making are key to reaping the\nbenefits of AI and that while authoritarian regimes love data, innovation is\nmore important, and this gives the advantage, for the time being, to the United\nStates.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

This new edition of the Diari de les idees appears at a time of growing uncertainty regarding the evolution of the Covid-19 pandemic, given the numerous outbreaks that are taking place a little everywhere, with a particularly worrying situation in the Segri\u00e0 region and the metropolitan area of Barcelona. Uncertainty and concern also occupy the different areas of analysis on which we focus. In international politics, The Economist analysts warn that the threat of a greater disorder facing the global governance system is a real risk. If the US gives up leading the world order as it is happening under\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":77128,"template":"","category_newspaper":[139],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-16831","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-139"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 27 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 27 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This new edition of the Diari de les idees appears at a time of growing uncertainty regarding the evolution of the Covid-19 pandemic, given the numerous outbreaks that are taking place a little everywhere, with a particularly worrying situation in the Segri\u00e0 region and the metropolitan area of Barcelona. Uncertainty and concern also occupy the different areas of analysis on which we focus. In international politics, The Economist analysts warn that the threat of a greater disorder facing the global governance system is a real risk. If the US gives up leading the world order as it is happening under\u2026\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2020-07-21T10:13:38+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/six-1600.jpg?fit=1101%2C583&ssl=1\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1101\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"583\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"19 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-27\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-27\\\/\",\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 27 – IDEES\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-27\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-27\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"datePublished\":\"2020-07-17T06:28:10+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2020-07-21T10:13:38+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-27\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-27\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-27\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"width\":607,\"height\":170},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-27\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Inici\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":3,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 27\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/\",\"name\":\"IDEES\",\"description\":\"Contemporary global issues\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Diari de les idees 27 – IDEES","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Diari de les idees 27 – IDEES","og_description":"This new edition of the Diari de les idees appears at a time of growing uncertainty regarding the evolution of the Covid-19 pandemic, given the numerous outbreaks that are taking place a little everywhere, with a particularly worrying situation in the Segri\u00e0 region and the metropolitan area of Barcelona. Uncertainty and concern also occupy the different areas of analysis on which we focus. In international politics, The Economist analysts warn that the threat of a greater disorder facing the global governance system is a real risk. If the US gives up leading the world order as it is happening under\u2026","og_url":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/","og_site_name":"IDEES","article_modified_time":"2020-07-21T10:13:38+00:00","og_image":[{"width":1101,"height":583,"url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2020\/07\/six-1600.jpg?fit=1101%2C583&ssl=1","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"Est. reading time":"19 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/","url":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/","name":"Diari de les idees 27 – IDEES","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/12\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1","datePublished":"2020-07-17T06:28:10+00:00","dateModified":"2020-07-21T10:13:38+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"en-US","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"en-US","@id":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/12\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1","contentUrl":"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/12\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1","width":607,"height":170},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-27\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Inici","item":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Diari de les idees","item":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":3,"name":"Diari de les idees 27"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/#website","url":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/","name":"IDEES","description":"Contemporary global issues","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"en-US"}]}},"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/newspaper\/16831","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/newspaper"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/newspaper"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/newspaper\/16831\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":16834,"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/newspaper\/16831\/revisions\/16834"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/77128"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=16831"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category_newspaper","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/category_newspaper?post=16831"},{"taxonomy":"segment","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/segment?post=16831"},{"taxonomy":"subject","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/subject?post=16831"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}