{"id":22915,"date":"2020-10-02T15:22:45","date_gmt":"2020-10-02T15:22:45","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-30\/"},"modified":"2020-10-05T15:58:49","modified_gmt":"2020-10-05T15:58:49","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-30","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-30\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 30"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The disqualification of the President of the Generalitat by the Spanish\nSupreme Court, the fact that the COVID-19 pandemic has already caused more than\na million deaths worldwide and the serious tensions between the Spanish\ngovernment and the President of the Community of Madrid over the disastrous\nmanagement of the Spanish capital in the fight against the coronavirus have\nmarked the last two weeks. From the Diari de les Idees<\/em> we resume the\nanalysis of current events.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spain is in the loop of the pandemic and is the undisputed European leader of new infections and risks of outbreaks. A study led by the prestigious journal The Lancet<\/em><\/a> <\/em> comparing the strategy of nine countries in designing and applying lockdowns and measures directed to ease these lockdowns to fight the coronavirus pandemic stresses all that has been done wrong. It points out that Spain has failed to implement an effective system of search, testing, tracking, isolation and support before easing the restrictions on lockdowns. At the same time, it also underlines that the public health system in Spain has had to suffer simultaneously from a decade of austerity. If anyone still wonders why we should not allow the coronavirus to circulate and the economy prioritised, as Isabel D\u00edaz Ayuso argues for the Community of Madrid, data analysts at Johns Hopkins<\/a> University offer a compelling answer: one million deaths. This million, everyone knows, is not the real figure. It is only the deaths that can be explained. Those that have not been counted probably represent another million, according to an analysis by The Economist<\/em><\/a>. This adds up to some two million deaths in just over six months, as the pandemic spread rapidly globally from March onwards. To put this in context: this is more than all the deaths from tuberculosis, malaria and AIDS combined in the same period (1.4 million in six months, according to Our World in Data<\/em><\/a>). These data are proof that this virus, which we tend to underestimate because most cases of COVID-19 are mild, and because we are reluctant to give up on the well-being we had achieved, is actually the cause of a large global mortality. It is so despite all the obstacles we have put in its way, despite all the lockdowns and restrictions we have imposed on ourselves. If we allow it to move freely, the numbers of deaths will increase, especially among the elderly, the vulnerable and those with fewer resources. Cristina Sen dedicates in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a> <\/em> an article to the campaign \u2018Old lives matter\u2019 promoted by more than 40 scientific, health and social organizations around the world to raise awareness and fight against ageism, the discrimination against the elderly based on false prejudices installed in all societies. We must therefore ask ourselves whether the type of society in which we want to live is one that gives up protecting its old, sick and needy people in order to protect the interests of the young, healthy and rich. This is the ethical and moral vacuum that people like Trump and Bolsonaro defend. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the international level, the commemoration of the 75th anniversary of the United Nations is an occasion for reflection on the role of the major multilateral governance institutions. Former NATO Secretary General Javier Solana write an article in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> <\/em> to take stock and states that, despite the organisation’s limitations, the world would be worse off if the UN did not exist. Indeed, we must not underestimate the risks entailed by the current insistent trickle of arbitrary acts against international law to which the UN is practically the only bulwark. At the same time, neither should we underestimate its capacity to mobilise to tackle global challenges – such as poverty and climate change – through initiatives as prominent as the Millennium Development Goals, as well as their successors, the Sustainable Development Goals. However, the serious shortcomings of this system of governance cannot be overlooked either, as Hannah Ryder points out in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a>. She considers that the UN’s record on peacekeeping has been rather poor and advocates a renewed Security Council structure that would make it possible to convert the current 15 permanent seats into temporary ones, for periods of five years to provide more continuity, with open, non-regional competition for each seat, in addition to clear, supervised restrictions on lobbying expenses. It is therefore clear that, in order to face the challenges of the future in the midst of a health and economic crisis of colossal dimensions, the world cannot continue without governance that is equal to today’s challenges. The other major global institution that is going through a difficult period is the World Health Organisation, which despite the limitations of its operating system, has done quite a lot of work in tackling the COVID-19 pandemic. The Economist<\/em><\/a> reveals that an internal working group is considering a series of reforms to give the WHO the power to investigate outbreaks more independently and to establish a system for the agency to issue warnings about public health emergencies much more quickly. Indeed, the risks of a weakened global health system are now measured in billions of dollars while the loss of life has already exceeded one million.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A crisis of multilateral governance that can also be an opportunity. Wolfgang Ischinger<\/a>, president of the Munich Security Conference, notes that the\nconstituent elements of the international order are beginning to crack and that\nthe certainties that the world took for granted over the past 50 or 60 years\nare fading. This crisis, however, may be an opportunity for Europe to emerge\nstronger, insofar as if a number of problems cannot be solved at national level\n(as the coronavirus crisis is proving) a supranational body is needed to remedy\nthem. Moreover, Europe is one of the few regions in the world that already has\nthis tool, which, despite all its imperfections and shortcomings, is worth strengthening.\nMeanwhile, in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a>, David McKean and Bart M. J. Szewczyk argue for a renewed and\nstrengthened alliance in transatlantic collaboration looking beyond the havoc\nwrought by Donald Trump’s policies. In her first State of the Union address,\nEuropean Commission President Ursula von der Leyen also stressed that Europeans\nexpect a new transatlantic agenda. It is clear that the United States and\nEurope still need each other and the world needs a strong West to maintain\nglobal order. Instead of abandoning the transatlantic alliance, US and European\nleaders should think creatively about its future and invigorate the alliance\nwith a new agreement and a new council that would usher in a 21st century\nAtlantic alliance, equipped to manage not only today’s crises but those of\ntomorrow.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the European level, the Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> Observatory highlights the first State of the Union address to Parliament by the new President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen. In her speech, her wish to provide the Commission with geopolitical content, the economic reconstruction plan to respond to the disaster caused by the pandemic, the Green Deal and the new impetus for culture are some of the elements that will help the EU to find a balanced position at a time of institutional instability, consensual volatility and economic fragility. A Europe whose migration policy is one of its Achilles’ heels. Jennifer Rankins denounces from the pages of The Guardian<\/em><\/a> <\/em> the decision of the European Commission to abandon the idea of applying obligatory quotas to receive refugees and migrants. If approved, the new regulation would allow member states to decide whether to accept refugees or to return those who are denied asylum to their countries of origin. On the other hand, and this is the break with previous policies, there would be no obligation to accept migrants or refugees. In short, a solidarity “\u00e0 la carte\u201d. This also refers to one of the constitutive elements of the EU and that is its values. Olivier Galland wonders in Slate<\/em><\/a> magazine whether these values are shared by the whole of Europe. The results of the European Values<\/a> survey, carried out every nine years since 1981, give a good idea of the evolution of ideas and values shared or subject to dissent throughout Europe. Europe does not have a homogenous face in terms of values and the East-West divide remains deep. The latest survey shows that the democratic question remains fairly deeply divided between Eastern and Western Europe. The illiberal temptation seems to be deeply rooted in the societies of certain parts of Eastern Europe and, unfortunately, also among a significant minority of citizens in Western Europe. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Chantal Mouffe defends these values and the spirit of\ndefence of democracy in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a>, where she argues that insofar as the COVID-19 has\naggravated existing inequalities and accentuated the organic crisis of\nneoliberalism, there will be no return to “business as usual” after\nthe pandemic. She also stresses that in the face of the dangers that threaten\ndemocracy, the left must draw the line between the people and the oligarchy. Ecological\ntransition must be the core element around which a collective popular force can\ncrystallise, insofar as both projects call for radical systemic change and that\na real ecological transition requires a break with financial capitalism. In\naddition, one of the main dangers facing democracy is the loss of legitimacy of\nthe system and its institutions, as Yascha Mounk rightly points out in The Atlantic<\/em><\/a>, where he analyses the crisis of legitimacy that will\naffect the next president of the United States, whoever the winner may be.\nIndeed, whether Biden or Trump wins, millions of Americans will consider that\ntheir candidate\u2019s victory has been robbed and that the result is unfair and\nfraudulent. Ultimately, in little more than a month’s time, American democracy\ncould face one of the biggest tests of its legitimacy. For a detailed analysis\nof the state of democracy and civil rights and freedoms in the world, see the monograph<\/a>\nof the journal IDEES.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The political situation\nin Catalonia and Spain is particularly worrying from various points of view.\nDisqualification of the President of the Generalitat and threat of government\nintervention in the health competences of the Community of Madrid. Struggle for\npositions at the head of the judiciary to delay a renewal in accordance with\nthe new balance of power in Parliament. Tough negotiations for the extension of\nthe temporary lay-offs, the most sensitive element of the social shield against\nthe economic impact of the coronavirus. Tension in the state apparatus and\npolitical tension in all directions. Concern and fatigue in society. All this\nin a country that is facing a health, political, institutional and economic\nmodel crisis and that only seems to be able to resist until the aid from the\nEuropean reconstruction fund arrives.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For the first time in\nhistory since the recovery of democracy and self-government, a president of the\nGeneralitat has been removed from office not by the voters or by Parliament but\nby a court. The Supreme Court has unanimously ruled that he should be\ndisqualified because he did not remove in time a banner from the balcony of the\nPalau de la Generalitat to defend political prisoners and exiles during the\nelections. Regardless of whether the act of half-hearted disobedience was\nopportune or necessary, the judicial decision undoubtedly does not observe the\nmost elementary principle of proportion. As the daily ARA points out in its editorial<\/a>, this is another step in the non-sense judicialisation\nof Spanish democracy. As long as politics does not return in capital letters,\nin other words, as long as the question of Catalan sovereignty is not addressed\nthrough political negotiation, there will be no democratic solution possible. The\nrepressive approach of the State, whether through violence by the security\nforces (as occurred during the referendum of October 1) or by the judicial\nauthorities, far from providing a solution, only serves to entrench positions\nand to stir up the emotions. It only leads to more radicalism. With Torra’s\ndisqualification, the outlook in Catalonia is one of great uncertainty, both in\nterms of the complicated day-to-day management of the pandemic and the prospect\nof a way out of the political crisis. With an interim government for four\nmonths and with an electoral calendar in tow of the Supreme Court’s decision –\nthe elections are set for 14 February. Immersed in a very serious health,\neconomic and educational crisis, an unprecedented provisional situation such as\nthis, which will lead to greater institutional tension and less effectiveness\nof a dying government, is the worst thing that could happen.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to the Spanish political scene, Josep Ramoneda criticises in the newspaper El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> <\/em> what he calls the paralysing power of irresponsibility. The COVID-19 pandemic has led to a series of institutional clashes between the Madrid government and the Spanish government. The government of D\u00edaz Ayuso has been characterised by the denial of an obvious lack of control and the opportunistic use of the regional institutions. Being one of the communities in a more critical situation due to the coronavirus and with a weak public health system due to the dismantling caused by austerity policies, the president is committed to a new tax cut, which would mean fiscal dumping between autonomous communities. In short, it is necessary for everyone to assume their responsibilities in this management, as blaming others makes the idea of responsibility and governance impossible, which is what we need.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The health crisis\nexacerbates the shortcomings of the already highly stressed institutional\nframework as shown by the crisis of the monarchy with a new controversial\nepisode. The Government did not authorise Felipe VI to attend the meeting in\nBarcelona where the diplomas of the judges’ promotion were handed over and the\nPresident of the General Council of the Judiciary screamed blue murder. Carlos\nLesmes, who was extremely reckless, told the members of the last class of\njudges during a meeting that the King had called him to say that he would have\nliked to attend the event. This is not just a simple loss of control. If Lesmes\nmakes public the conversation with the King it seems clear that he has the\nexpress authorisation of the monarch to do so, which means that the King is\ninterfering in the Constitution and violating the separation of powers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Although the impact of\nthe pandemic continues to hit the economy hard, the crisis is also an\nopportunity to try to change the paradigm, as Carmen Fern\u00e1ndez points out in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a>, in order to establish a\nnew economic and social system based on the use of resources and respect for\nthe environment. It is therefore necessary to promote the circular economy in\norder to implement a production of goods and services that reduces consumption\nand waste of raw materials, water and energy sources. In this regard,\ntherefore, the COVID-19 has taught the population and created new social and\nconsumer habits, such as the fact that lockdown would lead to the use of all\nthe resources available and a particular vision of the circular economy. At the\nsame time, and from a macroeconomic point of view, Guy Scriven warn in The Economist<\/em><\/a>  that\nclimate change is about to engulf the corporate world and companies must react\nquickly before it is too late. He believes that apart from the health and\neconomic impact, the coronavirus pandemic has also given us an idea of how\ndifficult climate change will be to tackle. In order to keep the Earth’s\naverage temperature increase to less than 2\u00b0C above pre-industrial levels, net\nemissions of CO2 and other greenhouse gases must fall to roughly zero by\nmid-century. Moreover, this fall must be achieved not by stopping the world\neconomy, but by reconnecting it. Ultimately, in ten years’ time, there will be\nno major company or industry that does not have to face up to climate risk, and\nthis time their consumers, shareholders and employees will not allow them to\nstand idly by. A climate concern shared by the Catalan Minister of Foreign\nAffairs, Bernat\nSol\u00e9<\/a>, who, on the five years\nsince the UN approved Agenda 2030, reaffirms Catalonia’s commitment to its\nobjectives and stresses that they are more necessary than ever given that we\nlive in ecological debt. It goes without saying, then, that an agenda that\ncommits us to a shared roadmap for the planet, for people, prosperity and justice,\nwith the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) as the axes of the great\npending revolution, is important. Catalonia is aware of the need to act\naccording to this great global guide. If the 2030 horizon was already worrying\nbefore the pandemic, this year we have had to focus on those SDG linked to\nhealth and education. Catalonia reaffirms its commitment to the planet and\nhighlights the road travelled with proposals such as the Climate Change Act and\nthe implementation of the minimum income guaranteed. Ultimately, the aim is for\nthe Catalonia of the future to be more sustainable and open, more just and\negalitarian, more supportive and inclusive, and more a guarantor of human\nrights and peace. Moreover, all this without leaving anyone behind and\ndetermined to leave a better planet. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

However, these global\nobjectives are still far from being achieved, as shown in the devastating\nUnited Nations Global\nDiversity Outlook 5<\/em><\/a> report. The report\nreveals that despite progress made in some areas, natural habitats have\ncontinued to disappear, a large number of species are still threatened with\nextinction due to human activities and $500 billion in government subsidies\ngranted to activities that are harmful to the environment have not been\neliminated. Therefore, UN biodiversity officer Elizabeth Maruma Mrema<\/a> recently stated that\nhumanity is at a crossroads that will decide how future generations will live\nwith nature. For more information on the 2030 Agenda and the SDGs, check the monograph<\/a>\nof the IDEES journal.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a>, Adam Segal analyses the\nmain aspects of the new technological Cold War that is looming between the\nUnited States and China. From cutting off the supply chains of China’s\ntechnological giants to preventing transactions or regulating the submarine\ncables on which telecommunications depend,Trump administration’s measures have\noften been incomplete, improvised, although they have laid the foundations of\nUS technology policy towards China. In parallel, Beijing’s counter-strategy has\nalso been set in motion and China has accelerated plans to develop semiconductors\nand other basic technologies to reduce its vulnerability to supply chains\npassing through the United States. To achieve this goal, its leaders are\nmobilizing technology companies, strengthening ties with countries\nparticipating in the new Silk Road, and maintaining a campaign of\ncyber-industrial espionage. In addition, there is concern about the\nimplications of technological advances in bioengineering, as Vivek Wadhwa\npoints out in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a>, where he warns that the\nnext pandemic could be created thanks to bioengineering by means of cheap and\neasily available technology. Especially worrying is the fact that it is no\nlonger necessary to have a government laboratory to create a virus. Thanks to\nthe technological revolution in genetic engineering, all the tools needed to\ncreate a virus have become so cheap, simple and easily available that any\nscientist or biohacker can use them: genetic engineering, with all its\npotential for good and evil, has been democratised. Ultimately, it is quite\npossible that we will have to consider the current coronavirus pandemic as a\ntest of what can happen, as we may face in the near future new viruses deliberately\ndesigned by humans.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The disqualification of the President of the Generalitat by the Spanish Supreme Court, the fact that the COVID-19 pandemic has already caused more than a million deaths worldwide and the serious tensions between the Spanish government and the President of the Community of Madrid over the disastrous management of the Spanish capital in the fight against the coronavirus have marked the last two weeks. From the Diari de les Idees we resume the analysis of current events. Spain is in the loop of the pandemic and is the undisputed European leader of new infections and risks of outbreaks. A study\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":77128,"template":"","category_newspaper":[139],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-22915","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-139"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 30 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-30\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 30 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The disqualification of the President of the Generalitat by the Spanish Supreme Court, the fact that the COVID-19 pandemic has already caused more than a million deaths worldwide and the serious tensions between the Spanish government and the President of the Community of Madrid over the disastrous management of the Spanish capital in the fight against the coronavirus have marked the last two weeks. From the Diari de les Idees we resume the analysis of current events. Spain is in the loop of the pandemic and is the undisputed European leader of new infections and risks of outbreaks. 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