{"id":25171,"date":"2020-10-30T15:12:20","date_gmt":"2020-10-30T15:12:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-32\/"},"modified":"2020-11-02T11:09:14","modified_gmt":"2020-11-02T11:09:14","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-32","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-32\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 32"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

This new issue of the Diari de les idees<\/em>\nappears in a few especially turbulent days marked by the virulence of the\nsecond wave of the coronavirus and by the imminence of the US presidential\nelection. The state of the world and our societies in the coming years and\nperhaps the next decades will be highly conditioned by the management of the\npandemic and by the outcome of the US elections. A pandemic that has caused new\ngeneral lockdowns in many parts of Europe such as France and Ireland or\nperimetral lockdowns, in the case of Catalonia. Likewise, the US elections will\nhave a direct impact on the evolution of liberal democracies around the world\nand will have a special effect on the way in which they face the great global\nand geopolitical challenges.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We face now the new outbreaks of a health emergency that Raffaele Ventura defines in the observatory Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> as a disease of civilization that has attacked the weakest points of our society with almost surgical precision. The coronavirus has found the best way to spread and cause a global recession, chain bankruptcies, massive unemployment and unforeseeable political consequences. Ventura also questions how a society prepared for risk and dependent on an advanced technological ecosystem has managed the unpredictability that the coronavirus poses to our civilization, formed by a dense network of air connections that transport pathogens in a short time from one end of the planet to the other. As the death toll rose throughout the spring, many countries took radical measures to control the spread of COVID-19. Governments decreed national emergencies, restrictions on freedoms and movements and the prohibition of social interaction. Anwar Mhajne and Crystal Whetstone consider in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> that these responses, however necessary from a health perspective, allowed politicians to undermine democracy and human rights. Indeed, in many places the fight against the pandemic has been used to justify surveillance policies and avoid check-and-balance measures. Thus, non-democratic states such as China have used the pandemic to justify the intensification of the repression of human rights and civil liberties, while democratic countries have adopted emergency measures that in some cases have been questioned or even reversed by courts. Regarding the role of states in the management of the new coronavirus, Thomas J. Bollyki points out in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> the importance in free and democratic societies of the trust established between the government and citizens in order to ensure maximum effectiveness of the decreed measures. Indeed, government mismanagement or the loss of citizens’ trust carries the danger that democratic societies will mistrust their governments when the next pandemic appears, which will inevitably hit us sooner or later.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The US presidential\nelections are next Tuesday and the editorial board of the New York Times<\/em><\/a> releases an extensive opinion dossier where they\nclearly take side for one of the candidates. The analysts agree that these\nelections are the greatest threat to American democracy since Second World War.\nThey accuse the American president of having abused of his office and of having\ndenied the legitimacy of his political opponents, breaking the norms that have\nunited the country for generations. They also criticize that he has belittled\nthe public interest in favour of the profitability of his business and\npolitical interests, while showing a never seen contempt for the lives and\nliberties of Americans. The editorial board also denounces his racism and\nxenophobia and criticizes the destruction of the consensus born after World War\nII, a system of alliances that cost many lives to establish and maintain. The\narticle concludes by stating that Trump is a man with no integrity who has\nrepeatedly violated his oath to preserve, protect and defend the Constitution\nof United States. In short, a man unworthy of the office he holds. The\nsituation is so worrying that some analysts, such as Elie\nMystal in The Nation<\/em><\/a> already demand the\ncreation of a truth and reconciliation commission in order to rebuild North\nAmerican society after the elections. This proposal shows the extent to which\ndemocratic recession has reached in the United States under the presidency of\nDonald Trump. A concept, that of the Truth Commission, that we usually\nassociate with attempts to restore democracy after abuses by authoritarian\nregimes. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A democratic regression\nthat is taking place in many parts of the world and especially in Latin America\nas Steven Levitsky and Mar\u00eda Victoria Murillo reveal in Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a>. The political and social upheavals in Latin American countries show\nthe limits of democratic institutions to channel and manage political conflict.\nUltimately, the growing polarization throughout the region and the emergence of\nsocial protests only increase the urgency of building broad consensus in each\ncountry to avoid the temptation of coups. The success in Bolivia of the party\nof former president Evo Morales stops reactionary expectations for the moment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For his part, Josep Ramoneda analyzes in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> the current Spanish political scene and argues that the PP has had no\nproject since Aznar left office. Rajoy gradually increased the tension, evading\nresponsibilities, subrogating the Catalan question to the judges, and finally had\nto leave Parliament through the back door after the motion of censure. This has\nled to the articulation of a strategy of confrontation that is usually an\nexpression of impotence and the law of least effort. Ramoneda wonders how in\nthe midst of the health, economic and social crisis, some political actors flee\nany responsibility in solving problems simply with the aim of wearing down the\nadversary. A situation Jos\u00e9 Mar\u00eda Lassalle<\/a> also criticizes in the same newspaper, stating that in\nthese first two decades of the 21st century the balance of Spain as a country\nhas been disappointing. Now that history has put us all before the collective\nchallenge of managing a severe public calamity, Spain is failing at a\npolitical, institutional and social level. It also warns that, if not rectified\nin time, this situation could lead to a true national collapse. In addition, it\ndenounces how Spain has been unable to clean up its history and to make a\nsincere effort at democratic reconciliation. Also regarding Spain, Nicol\u00e1s\nSesma analyses in CTXT<\/em><\/a> the propaganda strategies of the populist right,\nestablishing a parallel between the old fascism with the current Vox policy,\nnow that it has created its particular think tank, Fundaci\u00f3n Disenso<\/em>,\nfrom which they want to fight against what they call “progressive\ntyranny.” However, despite the little ideological substance of the\npopulist movements, Sesma warns that the biggest mistake the left could make\nwould be to dismiss them from a certain moral superiority: it did so in the\n1930s and we all know the results. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A set of situations and\nfactors that, from an international and European as well as a Spanish and\nCatalan point of view, continue to endanger democracy. In Social Europe<\/em><\/a>\nBirgit Sippel reminds us that now that the European Commission and the European\nParliament have made public their proposals on democracy, rule of law and fundamental\nrights, the debate should not only take place as an exchange between\ninstitutions and experts. A democratic concern shared by Il\u00e1n Bizberg in Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> where he argues that the current health crisis that\nhumanity is suffering should not prevent us from thinking about what we want\nand how we will get out of the problem. Despite the very significant sacrifices\nthat this pandemic will demand of all of us, there is no doubt that humanity\nwill survive. However, in what way? Before the pandemic, the dissatisfaction of\ncitizens with their democracy, the rise of populist movements, the fear of\nothers were cited to show the similarities between our current world and the\none that Stefan Zweig described in his autobiography, The World of Yesterday<\/em>.\nDangers for democracy that The Economist<\/em><\/a> analyses within a context drawn by the importance of\nsocial networks in the creation of states of opinion, narratives and their\ninfluence on freedom of expression. Indeed, social networks are so central to\nthe propagation of news and opinions that they have become the new agora, full\nof bots and deep fakes. Publications that appear realistic but spread lies\nabout public figures make the job of disinformation cheaper and easier. However,\nand as long as there is no incitement to violence, the article considers that\npolitical discourse should not be blocked on the networks, because the defects\nof politicians are better exposed through arguments that generate debate than\nin the silence of censorship. A freedom of expression hit by the murder of a\nteacher in France for having shown cartoons of Muhammad within the framework,\nprecisely, of a class on freedom of expression. Kenan Malik defends this\nfreedom in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> as a priceless commodity. It also denounces the unwillingness of liberal\npoliticians to uphold basic principles, their willingness to betray\nprogressives living in minority communities, which only encourages\nreactionaries, both within and outside Muslim communities. Ultimately, in a\nplural society, much of what we say can be offensive to others. However, if we\nwant a plural society we have to defend the freedom to offend.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding the economy, Veronica\nNilsson stresses the importance of social dialogue in Social Europe<\/em><\/a>. In this sense the Global\nDeal 2020<\/em> report<\/a>,  \u2018Social Dialogue, Skills and Covid-19\u2019, just published, documents extensively how social\ndialogue has proved a key tool in addressing the damage wrought on labour\nmarkets by the pandemic \u2014and shows how we can better prepare for changes in the\npost-pandemic world of work. Social dialogue has played a central role in the agreements made to\nprevent the sudden paralysis of important parts of our economies from turning\ninto a deeper crisis. In several countries, agreements were signed whereby\ncompanies refrained from laying off workers; unions accepted a reduction in\nworking hours and lower monthly wages, while governments intervened financially\nto compensate for part of the difference in initial salary. Thus, the social\ndialogue on short-term work schemes acted as a crisis switch, avoiding the massive\ndestruction of jobs and other negative effects on aggregate demand, which would\nundoubtedly have deepened the crisis. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Politico<\/em><\/a> presents\nthe first chapter of his guide to understanding the European Green Deal, which\nhe defines as one of the largest legislative efforts in the history of the\nEuropean Union. The Deal is a radical project to make the Union, the second\nlargest economy in the world, stop emitting greenhouse gases and achieve\nclimate neutrality by 2050. It represents the success of scientists, and defenders\nof the environmental movement who have fought for decades to make global\nwarming a political priority. The guide lists all areas of action, notably\nagriculture, renewable energy and the circular economy, in which the\nbureaucratic machinery in Brussels is working. The authors also point out that\nthe work of independent organizations is essential to control a process that\ncannot be left entirely to the political elites. Continuing with climate change\nand sustainability, the article by Sergi\nPicazo in El Cr\u00edtic<\/em><\/a> warns that the COVID-19 crisis is a good rehearsal\nfor the collapse to come. The signs of a much more powerful and deeper wave are\nalready noticeable, and the end of today’s modern, capitalist and industrial\nsociety cannot be ruled out. A situation caused by a multiplication of\ncollapses. A climatic collapse that will bring more droughts, more heat and\nagrarian problems. An economic and financial collapse, leading to the\ninsolvency of the states and the disappearance of the savings of the vast\nmajority of the population. A commercial collapse, with a devalued or little\nmoney. A political collapse, with delegitimized governments and constant\nrevolts, and, finally, a sociocultural collapse, with the increased perception\nthat we can’t expect anything from others or institutions. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, Dipayan Ghosh\nand Loully Saney argue in  Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> that the coronavirus pandemic has only increased the\nimportance of regulation on the Internet. COVID-19 has accelerated the\ntransition to a virtual economy: work and school are going increasingly online;\ntelehealth services are expanding; online shopping has exploded; Applications\nfor food and product delivery, physical activity, and social gatherings have\nproliferated. Each of these trends was already underway before the pandemic,\nbut the lockdowns caused by the disease have accelerated them. To what extent\nwill this change our way of life? What will the new normal be like? There are different\npossible answers, but in the short term more and more people are exchanging\ninformation online and sharing more personal information with various companies,\nhealth insurance providers, employers, schools and other networks. Moreover,\nall of this happens on unregulated online platforms. As digital communication\nis increasingly a fundamental service on which society depends, consumers and\ncitizens should wonder who has access to our information and how it is used. The\narticle by Jared Cohen and Richard Fontaine in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> explores the ways of digital cooperation to build a\nworld of technodemocracies. In theory, the Internet was supposed to build\nbridges and eradicate authoritarian political systems, but in the course of the\nlast decade, accelerated technological development also accompanied illiberal\nuses in China, North Korea, Venezuela, Russia and many other countries. At the\nsame time, liberal democratic democracies have not been able to take advantage of\nit as a tool to limit the growth of autocratic tendencies in a coordinated\nmanner. In this regard, the creation of the T-12 is worth noting, a group of\ntechno-democracies made up of the United States, France, Germany, Japan, the\nUnited Kingdom, and one level below, Australia, Canada, South Korea, Finland,\nSweden, India and Israel. An alliance that aims to lead the geopolitical\ncompetition against autocratic powers, with China at the head.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

This new issue of the Diari de les idees appears in a few especially turbulent days marked by the virulence of the second wave of the coronavirus and by the imminence of the US presidential election. The state of the world and our societies in the coming years and perhaps the next decades will be highly conditioned by the management of the pandemic and by the outcome of the US elections. A pandemic that has caused new general lockdowns in many parts of Europe such as France and Ireland or perimetral lockdowns, in the case of Catalonia. Likewise, the US\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":77128,"template":"","category_newspaper":[139],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-25171","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-139"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 32 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-32\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 32 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"This new issue of the Diari de les idees appears in a few especially turbulent days marked by the virulence of the second wave of the coronavirus and by the imminence of the US presidential election. The state of the world and our societies in the coming years and perhaps the next decades will be highly conditioned by the management of the pandemic and by the outcome of the US elections. A pandemic that has caused new general lockdowns in many parts of Europe such as France and Ireland or perimetral lockdowns, in the case of Catalonia. 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