{"id":32553,"date":"2021-01-21T19:01:04","date_gmt":"2021-01-21T19:01:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-36\/"},"modified":"2021-02-16T14:20:14","modified_gmt":"2021-02-16T14:20:14","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-36","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-36\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 36"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

We begin the year with a new edition of Diari de les idees<\/em> in a context marked by the third wave of the coronavirus that has already caused the death of more than 2 million people in the world and by the hope raised by the takeover that has just taken place in the White House. As regards Catalan politics, there is the uncertainty about the elections scheduled for 14 February following the decision of the TSJC to suspend the decree postponing the elections to May, as a precautionary measure. At the European level, the effective implementation of Brexit and the doubts about the leadership of the EU once Angela Merkel leaves power in autumn mark the current situation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As of last Wednesday, Joe Biden is the new President of the United States and he begins his term of office with the same philosophy that guided his campaign: dialogue and reconciliation. A very complex objective with an American society weakened by inequality and pandemics, and politically fragmented. The New York Times<\/em><\/a> editorial board stresses that Biden’s bid for unity is not a demand for Americans to agree on everything, but to live in mutual tolerance and to learn again how to deal peacefully with their differences. In this vein, the start of the new administration has been characterised from the very first hours by a clear break with the policies of its predecessor. The return to the Paris Climate Agreement and the WHO, as well as an easing of pressure on migrants, have been some of the first measures taken by the new US president, who has approved a package of 17 executive orders, many of which reverse previous decisions by former president Donald Trump. Other measures include the end of the “Muslim veto”, the extension of the moratorium on rents and mortgages, labour protection for the LGTBQ collective and the creation of the figure of the coordinator against COVID-19 with the aim of supervising the supply, distribution and administration of vaccines, as well as the production of equipment and screening and detection tests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding the very serious attack on American democracy that took place in early January by supporters of the now ex-president Donald Trump , Timothy Snyder anakyzes in the New York Times<\/em><\/a>  the historical and political context of the assault on the Capitol and underlines the role played by Trump’s “pre-fascist post-truth” rhetoric. A mass communication strategy that takes advantage of a moment of decadence in journalism to spread an accumulation of lies and paranoia. A markedly anti-intellectualist, anti-institutional and anti-democratic media strategy. For its part, The Economist<\/em><\/a>  considers that Donald Trump’s legacy could condition Biden’s presidency, depending on whether or not sceptical Republicans disenchanted with the former president decide to join him in his plans to reunify the country. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The takeover in the White House is likely to bring major changes in US foreign policy and Walter Russell points out in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a>  that we are witnessing the end of the Wilsonian era. This is because countries like China, Turkey and India have followed hegemonic civilizational models, without conflicts between counterpart states but rather concentrating on reinforcing national principles against interventions by foreign powers. In the same magazine , Rana Mitter<\/a>  evokes the US’s great rival for world hegemony and argues that China wants to transform the international order to further its own interests and bolster its own image. Chinese power today is a protean dynamic force based on the relationships between authoritarianism, consumerism, global ambitions and technology. China’s future will depend on how successfully it manages to recombine the different aspects of its model. For the moment, China’s authoritarianism limits its seductiveness as a political system. Meanwhile, the editorial of the French daily Le Monde<\/em><\/a>  points out that China seems to be the big winner of the pandemic. Firstly, economically. As the European Union and the United States are stucked in a health crisis that is dragging on beyond initial expectations, Beijing has returned to strong growth. China can also consider itself victorious politically because the United States is for the moment caught up in the pathetic end of Donald Trump’s reign, which offers authoritarian regimes an unexpected opportunity to denounce the shortcomings of democracy a as a model. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this regard, there is growing concern about the rise of populist and far-right movements, not a small issue as shown by the attempted assault on the Capitol in Washington in early January. Heather Ashby warns in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a>  that this movement is growing and organising itself globally through social media and its ideas are being backed up by the populist rhetoric of some traditional conservative right-wing political parties. The dissemination through social media of all kinds of conspiracy theories in conjunction with the discourse of the extreme right creates an atmosphere of rejection and harassment towards ethnic, religious, social or sexual minorities. Ashby calls for a mobilisation on a large scale of national and international resources to fight disinformation, hate speech, conspiracy theories and the vulnerability of the youngest segments of the population. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nor are European democracies immune to this phenomenon, as Leonardo Carella in  Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> and Gideon Rachman in the Financial Times<\/a><\/em> point out. Indeed, in Europe there are signs of widespread distrust towards electoral processes, such as those that have taken root in a large part of the American radical right. In Europe as in America, comparable cultural and demographic pressures lead to social fractures that can be politicised; similar economic changes fuel distrust of institutions and demand for populist politics; and technological changes in the way we consume politics open up new paths for radicalisation. Europeans cannot be complacent. With this in mind, we invite you to participate in the two virtual debate sessions that CETC is organising jointly with the Office for Civil and Political Rights. On 27 January at 18:00 a round table<\/a> will discuss the role of the media in the emergence and rise of the extreme right, while the following day, at the same time, the session<\/a> will analyse the cases of Turkey, the United States and Hungary.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to European politics, a crucial year for its future is beginning, and Bonaventura de Sousa Santos points out in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a>  some of the main challenges that the EU will have to face: from managing COVID-19 vaccination and Brexit to new post-Trump Atlantic relations and a post-Merkel Europe, the challenges are enormous. In the midst of a liquid scenario full of systemic risks, how Europe emerges from the pandemic may be highly relevant to a new balance of the global agenda. At the same time, the worsening of social inequalities, the erosion of labour rights and the consequent precariousness of lifestyles constitute one of the variables most directly related to the coronavirus-related mortality rate. Moreover, it is worth noting that the degradation of public services following the cuts has left states unable to respond better to the health emergency.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Challenges that will be affected by Angela Merkel’s disappearance from European leadership in autumn, as Mutjaba Rahman argues in the pages of Politico<\/em><\/a>. A transition that is not without risk, not so much in relation to who will replace her in Germany, but because of the vacuum she will leave in Europe, a vacuum that no EU leader can credibly fill. French President Emmanuel Macron will certainly try, but without Merkel, and without the possibility of a strong partner in Berlin, he is unlikely to succeed. We therefore have to consider whether this could affect the successful implementation of the recovery fund or the reform of EU fiscal rules, two key issues for the long-term viability of the euro. There is also a danger that without Merkel and an effective Franco-German cooperation, leaders such as Recep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan may try to exploit the void, increasing the risk of rising tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Balkans.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another of the issues that will continue to shape the European agenda is the effective implementation of Brexit from January 1, as discussed in two articles published in The Guardian<\/em>. One the one hand, Timothy Garton Ash<\/a>  argues that there is a powerful political logic that pushes both sides to make the relative failure of the other the measure of their own success. We have already seen this, for example, on the issue of the COVID-19 vaccines, with Boris Johnson boasting that Britain has done more than all the other countries in Europe put together. Ultimately, the Brexit process can be summed up in a tweet from the French minister for European affairs, who on the night of the UK’s exit pointed out that Britain is punishing itself with Brexit, but that it was also necessary to show the price that has to be paid to leave. Now post-Brexit Britain knows that the price to pay is a future of permanent negotiation and confrontation. Meanwhile, Martin Kettle<\/a>  argues that in almost all material domains, the UK is worse off today than it was before January 1, and this is particularly true for supply chains. Moreover, the economic and employment implications are huge, especially in the midst of the pandemic. The impact on fisheries will be particularly sensitive from a political point of view. Nor can we forget that the medium-term future for Northern Ireland is at stake. Finally, the geopolitics of vaccines is also relevant in this pandemic period, and in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a> Luiza Bialasiewicz tells the harmful impacts that gaps in access to information regarding the COVID-19 vaccine can have. First, the lack of accessible scientific communication can lead to the proliferation of conspiracy theories that increase scepticism about the vaccine. Then, this scepticism spreads rapidly among population groups who fear to have less control over their future, both politically, economically and socio-sanitary . <\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Catalan politics, the focus is on the discrepancies and uncertainty about the upcoming elections to the Catalan Parliament. The Catalan High court of Justice decision to suspend the decree suspending the elections leads Xavier Arb\u00f3s to argue in El Peri\u00f3dico<\/em><\/a>  that the decree published by the government is disappointing insofar as restrictions on fundamental rights have to be justified on the ground of adequate, proportionate and indispensable measures, and it has not done so. At the same time, Francesc-Marc \u00c1lvaro warns in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that a large majority of citizens are completely indifferent to the date of the elections, which indicates that Catalans have disconnected from politics and that they only think about the Government when they use basic services or when they have to solve problems that affect them directly. However, the constant interference of the courts in Catalan politics, through arbitrary rulings that are increasingly perceived by a large part of the citizenry as unfair and discretionary, is reaching unsustainable levels and we will have to start thinking about articulating the appropriate responses to deal with them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These times of pandemics and subversion of the normality to which we got used have also led to the emergence of numerous analyses on the meaning of freedoms, democracy and the fragility of human beings. Reflections such as those of Josep Ramoneda in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a>  on freedom in times of change, the perception of everyday life and the construction of referents. The pandemic has made visible an old mutation, but one that has become more evident in the role of the big global companies that have reinforced their hegemony despite the efforts of states to show that they still exist, by locking us all indoors by decree. Ultimately, the mutation underway raises the question about how to save freedom. In Maleta de Port Bou<\/em><\/a>, Daniel Innerarity focuses on the uncertainty of the current times, an uncertainty that is part of human life, both in its personal and social dimensions. We are going through a historic period of great volatility, in the midst of geopolitical transformations whose outcome is still difficult to guess. Complex interactions, exponential developments, emerging phenomena, turbulence, and discontinuous change characterise our times. We have now to learn to manage these uncertainties, which can never be eliminated, and to transform them into calculated risks and learning possibilities. In the same journal. Francis Fukuyama<\/a> reflects on liberalism and its discontents and argues that democracy disconnected from liberalism does not protect diversity, because majorities use their power to repress minorities. Consequently, any illiberal attempt to build a social order around strong ties based on race, ethnicity or religion necessarily excludes significant sections of the community, and eventually leads to conflict. In parallel, Fukuyama criticises the evolution of liberalism towards neoliberalism from the 1980s onwards, which allowed the growth of huge inequalities that have been fuelling right wing and left-wing populisms. The problem with liberalism is that it works slowly, based on consensus and compromise, and never achieves its goals of community and social justice as fully as its supporters wish. However, it is hard not to see how dispensing with liberal values has only increased conflict and ultimately generated a return to violence as a means of resolving differences. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Particularly worrying in this regard is the study published in The Economist<\/em><\/a> that shows the growing involvement of states in disinformation strategies. A report<\/a> by the Oxford Internet Institute published a few days ago reveals that in 2020, organised disinformation campaigns were carried out in 81 countries, compared to 28 three years ago. This propaganda, which has become an essential element of many governments’ and political parties’ campaigns, is used to discredit opponents, influence public opinion, harass dissent and interfere in the internal affairs of other countries. Until recently, only a few governments used social media bots and similar tools to conduct cyber propaganda campaigns, the most well-known of which was Russia’s interference in the Brexit referendum and the 2016 US presidential election. Today, the methods and actors have changed. In 2016, bots were all the rage. Now, fake accounts are preferred because they are more difficult to detect by both platform moderators and the public. Disinformation has also become more professional. In the past, disinformation campaigns were led by government officials. Now, large public relations firms are hired to do the dirty work. Oxford researchers have identified 48 countries where private companies worked with governments and political parties on disinformation campaigns during 2020 and estimate that almost $60 billion has been spent since 2009 on contracts with private companies to generate disinformation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The COVID-19 health crisis is still hitting the economic domain.  The Economist<\/em><\/a> assesses the consequences of the second and third waves and argues that the latest round of lockdowns and restrictive measures will not have as great an impact as those of last spring. Analysts at Goldman Sachs, for example, say that in the case of Britain, the sensitivity of economic activity to COVID-19 restrictions has declined significantly since the first lockdown. In a report published on 8 January, the HSBC bank notes that German industrial production has improved its recovery in the month of November during the second lockdown. Whether official GDP figures confirm the growing resilience of developed economies to confinement remains to be seen. A recent report by the OECD, which produces a weekly GDP estimate for the major economies, reveals that while they were running at around 80% of capacity in April, they are now running at over 90%. Three main factors explain the improvement: reduced fear on the part of citizens; more appropriate and fine-tuned government policies; and finally the resilience and adaptability of companies.  Within this economic context that has been hard hit by the pandemic, researcher and historian Raquel Varela<\/a>  asserts that a notion of life that is reduced to work and eat is being imposed. In addition, in the face of this, she considers that it is urgent to think of a collective alternative and that this system of competition and struggle for permanent profit that is capitalism does not serve the purposes of humanity. In short, society needs a reset and it is necessary to define what is essential for production and what is not. Finally, there is also the fact that repressive measures are setting a very serious precedent throughout Europe. The ease with which emergency measures are being introduced – state of emergency, state of emergency, compulsory lockdown – which are now being prolonged in time, serves to hide the total failure of neoliberalism to fight a virus that is after all one of the simplest in existence. In turn, Branko Milanovi\u0107 argues in Social Europe<\/em><\/a>  that COVID-19 is the first truly globalised event in human history. On the one hand, because COVID-19 has created a uniform global routine: almost everyone experiences recurrent lockdowns, the loss of physical contact, and new legal measures to raise public awareness that must be complied with to avoid sanctions. On the other hand, the new routine imposed by COVID-19 requires us to change our main method of communication from face-to-face and local experiences to online communication.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to environmental issues, Laurie Macfarlane warns in the pages of Open Democracy<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that 2021 may be the last chance to save the climate. Indeed, like climate change, the current pandemic is a symptom of accelerating environmental collapse, which in turn is the product of an economic model that depends on endless growth and accumulation. Seen in this light, the idea that COVID-19 can somehow help solving the environmental crisis is absurd: they are two sides of the same coin. If the promises to build back better from the lessons of COVID-19 are fulfilled; if Joe Biden’s administration delivers on its climate change promises; if China’s five-year plan delivers on its decarbonisation commitments; and if COP26 is a success, then we might have a chance to avoid climate catastrophe. If none of these things happens, however, our prospects will be drastically different. If “building back better” turns out to be an empty slogan; if President Biden’s climate plan fails to overcome the paralysis of the US political system; if China’s five-year plan includes a vast expansion of coal-fired power plants; and if COP26 ends in diplomatic failure, then we will be stuck on a very dangerous trajectory. Meanwhile, Louise Guillot warns in Politico<\/em><\/a> of the environmental impact of the distribution of the COVID-19 vaccine in Europe. The BioNTech\/Pfizer vaccine has to be stored in a freezer with hydrofluorocarbon (HFC) gases. HFC emissions have a global warming effect up to 23,000 times higher than CO\u2082. In addition, the market for single-use personal protective equipment (PPE), such as plastic masks and gloves, is having a major impact and creating significant non-recycled waste. Ultimately, Guillot underlines the difficulties in addressing both a long-term sustainable methodology and a short-term environmental approach to vaccine deployment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in the field of new technologies, the suspension of Donald Trump’s Twitter account during the last days of his mandate stands out. Joshua Keating wryly argues in Slate<\/em><\/a> that if Twitter intends to start banning political leaders from repeatedly justifying the atrocities committed by their governments, the company will see its activity significantly reduced. Indeed, the day before Trump was permanently banished from the platform for violating the policy against “incitement to violence”, the Chinese embassy in the US tweeted that Uighur women in the country’s Xinjiang region had finally been “liberated” by Chinese government policies, and were no longer “baby-making machines”. A disturbing twist in a draconian birth control campaign that has involved the forced use of IUDs, sterilisations and abortions. It is tempting to say that Twitter should just have a policy of banning “dictators” but it is hard enough for governments and NGOs to define what constitutes a democratic or autocratic government and it is probably not a job we want to delegate to such companies. In La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a> French writer, thinker, political advisor and businessman Jacques Attali warns that if the EU does not equip itself with the means of a state, it could end up politically and economically dominated by the larger forces of the US and China and their big companies. In his view, the potential winners of the current crisis unleashed by the coronavirus will be those countries that have learned to develop the economy of life from a democratic perspective, albeit at a fast pace. Moreover, if these countries fail to do so, then there will be a struggle between totalitarian states and large digital companies. Finally, the problem posed by orbital debris is the subject of an article in The Economist<\/em><\/a>, which argues that the growing accumulation of orbital waste carries the risk of collision with an active satellite, a situation that is rapidly worsening. Estimates show that there may be up to a million pieces of waste of one cm or more in orbit, and more than 20,000 larger objects are being tracked. Part of the problem is the increasing number of rocket and satellite launches. On 17 January, for example, Virgin Orbit launched ten satellites into orbit using a rocket released from a modified Boeing 747-400. Another problem is that every year, a dozen major pieces of debris break off and orbit the earth. Stopping the chain reaction generated by orbital waste means launching some of the superfluous tonnage into space into the Earth’s atmosphere, where the frictional heat of re-entry would reduce it to ash. It would be therefore sufficient to remove only the larger debris. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

We begin the year with a new edition of Diari de les idees in a context marked by the third wave of the coronavirus that has already caused the death of more than 2 million people in the world and by the hope raised by the takeover that has just taken place in the White House. As regards Catalan politics, there is the uncertainty about the elections scheduled for 14 February following the decision of the TSJC to suspend the decree postponing the elections to May, as a precautionary measure. At the European level, the effective implementation of Brexit and\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":77128,"template":"","category_newspaper":[320],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-32553","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-320"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 36 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-36\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 36 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"We begin the year with a new edition of Diari de les idees in a context marked by the third wave of the coronavirus that has already caused the death of more than 2 million people in the world and by the hope raised by the takeover that has just taken place in the White House. 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At the European level, the effective implementation of Brexit and\u2026\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-36\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2021-02-16T14:20:14+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/01\/des_usa.jpg?fit=890%2C590&ssl=1\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"890\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"590\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"18 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-36\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-36\\\/\",\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 36 – IDEES\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-36\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-36\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"datePublished\":\"2021-01-21T19:01:04+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2021-02-16T14:20:14+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-36\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-36\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-36\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"width\":607,\"height\":170},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-36\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Inici\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":3,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 36\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/\",\"name\":\"IDEES\",\"description\":\"Contemporary global issues\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Diari de les idees 36 – IDEES","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-36\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Diari de les idees 36 – IDEES","og_description":"We begin the year with a new edition of Diari de les idees in a context marked by the third wave of the coronavirus that has already caused the death of more than 2 million people in the world and by the hope raised by the takeover that has just taken place in the White House. 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