{"id":34229,"date":"2021-02-12T10:27:24","date_gmt":"2021-02-12T10:27:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-37\/"},"modified":"2021-02-16T14:17:42","modified_gmt":"2021-02-16T14:17:42","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-37","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-37\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 37"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

A year ago, the first news broke in the\nmedia and social media about the spread of the new coronavirus that had emerged\nin late 2019 in China and was rapidly affecting Europe and other regions of the\nworld. This new edition of the Diari de les idees<\/em> appears when COVID-19\nis still much altering our ways of life, economic systems, social relations,\nand political systems, in a context marked by the difficulties of the\nlarge-scale vaccination process. A context which, as far as Catalonia is\nconcerned, is interconnected with the parliamentary elections on February 14th<\/sup>\nthat will surely mark the country\u2019s course over the next few years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Starting with our usual review, in the\nfield of international relations we highlight an article published by Azeem\nIbrahim in Foreign\nPolicy<\/em><\/a> where he hopes that 2021 will be the year in which democratic\nliberal states begin to win the fight against the far right and the populist\nmovements. Western states need to start rethinking the rules of political\ndebate, especially on social media, where discourse is increasingly violent,\npolarizing, and misinformed. The great asset of democratic political systems in\nthis struggle is their legitimacy and institutional resilience at a time when\ndue to the effects of the pandemic the authoritarian models of states like\nChina or Russia may seem more efficient for a centralized exercise of all power\nstructures. Mas de Xax\u00e0s, however, is less optimistic. In a very critical\narticle in La\nVanguardia<\/em><\/a> he warns that COVID-19 has defeated the world. A year after\nthe WHO declared the virus a global health emergency, more than 101 million\ncases and more than 2.2 million deaths are ample evidence of a failure that has\nbeen largely determined by the selfishness of nations in the face of a global\nproblem and the politicization of the pandemic, which has thwarted any attempt\nto define a global strategy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A global scenario where international\nrelations are marked by the stamp of the new US administration and doubts about\nhow relations with China and the European Union will evolve. As for relations\nwith China, Nicholas Kristoff in the New\nYork Times<\/em><\/a> and Stephen Walt in Foreign\nPolicy<\/em><\/a> predict difficult times. Indeed, in late January, Chinese\nPresident Xi Jinping delivered a speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos,\nstriving to portray China as a great benevolent power that cares for the\ninterests of humanity. Of course, Xi’s guarantees must be taken with\nconsiderable scepticism. In The\nAtlantic<\/em><\/a>, Tom McTague discusses the reconfiguration of US foreign\npolicy in the context of relations with Europe. After four years of Donald\nTrump, the new administration must overcome European scepticism about the USA\u2019s\nability to meet the great challenges facing the world. Today’s Europe is no\nlonger willing to consult with the United States before taking initiatives and\nestablishing its own strategy, as acknowledged by Biden National Security\nAdviser Jake Sullivan, who outlines in Foreign\nAffairs<\/em><\/a> the foreign policies that the new president will try to\nimplement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A policy which will also have to take\ninto account the situation in another region of the world where the US has\ntraditionally exerted great influence: Latin America, which as Stanley\nStuenkel<\/a> reveals in the same magazine, is going through a deep crisis on\ndifferent levels. Indeed, the region is being torn apart by new ideological\ndivisions and rising poverty. And as the new Biden administration works to\nrestore U.S. regional policy in a more positive direction, it must also prepare\nfor a scenario in which Latin America\u2019s uneven economic recovery and slow pace\nof vaccination spur resumption of the political conflict that shook Bolivia,\nChile, Colombia, Ecuador, Haiti, Honduras and Nicaragua in 2019. Ultimately, it\nis very likely that democracy in Latin America will be under increasing\npressure in the coming months and years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The elections to the Parliament of\nCatalonia on February 14th<\/sup> focus our attention on the field of\nCatalan politics, an election that Josep Ramoneda defines in El\nPa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> as the \u201celections of fatigue\u201d. Indeed, the pandemic and the long\nhangover of the crisis born in October 2017 mark an election with a high toll\nof exhaustion. In three years, the Catalan conflict has settled into a phase of\nstagnation that is harmful to all: Catalonia is in danger of entering a phase\nof discouragement, blockade, frustration, impotence, and Spain, unable to\npropose an ambitious solution may see its political dynamics spiral and the\neffects of the conflict condition its stability. The Spanish government is\npostponing any progress and highlighting the mismatches of a regime ruled by\nthe confusion of powers between policy and justice. Everything points to the\nballot boxes finding a majority of pro-independence parties, which are\ncurrently caught in a public discord, or a leftist majority, which is not easy\nto articulate. In this sense, Lola Garcia tries to project different\npost-election scenarios from the pages of La\nVanguardia<\/em><\/a>. Almost all parties consider a pro-independence government to\nbe the one most likely to move forward. If the two parties add up to an\nabsolute majority, it would be a relatively easy and quick operation. However,\nit is very possible that they will need the support of the CUP and, in this\ncase, the situation is complicated. If the ERC or Junts<\/em> win the\nelection, they may also consider governing alone, seeking the support of other\nnon-executive forces. It is an implausible and unstable scenario. If ERC wins,\nit could also govern with Junts<\/em> in a scheme that reverses the current\none, distributing portfolios according to the distance between the two\nformations on February 14th<\/sup>. The resulting government could be more\nstable than the current one if it does not need the CUP. It remains to be seen\nwhether an “Illa effect” will finally occur and the PSC will get a\ngood result. If their victory were to occur, it is most likely that the socialists\nwould undergo the same thing that Ciutadans<\/em> went through: they would not\nbe able to govern, although the intention of Illa, in this case, would be to\nrun for the investiture.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

If the pandemic will largely mark the\nelections in Catalonia, it is also having a very important impact on European\npolitics, especially in relation to the vaccination process. As David\nHerszenhorn points out in Politico<\/em><\/a>,\nthe slow pace as well as the problems of production and distribution of the\ndoses supplied by the main laboratories have put the Commission and especially\nits president Ursula von der Leyen in the eye of the storm. In the same vein,\nM\u00e1riam Mart\u00ednez-Bascu\u00f1\u00e1n in La\nVanguardia<\/em><\/a> and The\nEconomist<\/em><\/a> analyses the geopolitics of vaccines and reminds us that the\ninternational order is the law of the jungle, and that Europe cannot be a\ntender dove trying to survive in the midst of global anarchy. The Commission’s\nidea of \u200b\u200bcentralizing the purchase and distribution of the vaccine is one of\nthe most high-voltage political operations the European Union has undertaken in\ndecades, and it simply cannot go wrong. These days, many have thought that by\ngoing it alone, Germany and France would have achieved the same as the United\nKingdom. Moreover, maybe they are right. However, what would happen to middle-\nand low-income countries in a frantic race for access to the vaccine? Europe is\na project that still aspires to some equity. It is time for the EU to\ndemonstrate its ability to negotiate and compete in the geopolitical dimension,\nensuring rapid access to the vaccine and preventing multinational corporations\nfrom winning the game.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The shock caused at all levels by the\nCOVID-19 pandemic also affects the health of democracy and its stability, as proposed\nby Mantovi in \u200b\u200bContexto<\/em><\/a>\nmagazine. Far-right nationalism emerges as a fallacious response to crisis\nsituations, the scapegoat of immigration exploited as long as the job\ninsecurity of extractive capitalism is not questioned. A defence of the\ndemocratic system is therefore needed, and the media have a relevant role to\nplay, as Christian Ruggiero and Achilleas Karadimitrou point out in MicroMega<\/em><\/a>,\nwhere they consider how current journalism could strengthen democratic\ndynamics. From their point of view, this means recovering quality journalism,\nstrengthening the training of journalists, better working conditions and\nindependent journalism that does not depend on groups of corporate or political\npower.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another area where the future of\ndemocracies will be determined is the digital world, as Shoshanna Zuboff\nasserts in the New\nYork Times<\/em><\/a>. Technology dominates the economic sphere and the new\ndigital civilization in which the possession and management of large amounts of\ninformation determines who has real power. She also warns that the phase of\n“epistemic chaos” we are experiencing undermines democratic\ngovernance, which is characterized by the predominance of quantity over quality\nand where the absence of qualitative criteria for the circulation of\ninformation on social networks gives rise to the disinformation campaigns that\ncan culminate in situations such as the assault on the Capitol in January by\nsupporters of the former US president. At the same time, in an interview with La\nVanguardia<\/em><\/a>, \u017di\u017eek analyses the changes that society has experienced\nduring the pandemic, the anxieties of \u201cnew normalcy\u201d, the confinements, the\ndenialist movements and the new policies that the pandemic could generate. He\npoints out that the current pandemic has gradually become a conflict of global\nviews on society. At first, it seemed as if a certain kind of basic solidarity\nprevailed, but this solidarity has given way to an intense factional and\ncultural struggle in which antagonistic moral principles are wielded as if they\nwere weapons. He also denounced how the pandemic had affected the economy. On\nthe one hand, it has forced the authorities into actions that almost point to\ncommunism: a form of universal basic income, healthcare for all. However, it is\njust one side of the coin. At the same time, there are large corporations that\ncontinue to increase their wealth while many economic sectors are bailed out by\nthe states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Adam Tooze warns in Social\nEurope<\/em><\/a> of the great European economic inefficiency. While it is true\nthat the Union’s responses to the various crises, both socially and\neconomically, have been relatively effective (Next Generation EU package, debt\nnegotiations or launch of the Green Deal), the European economic recession is a\nreality and the indicators show it: in 2020 European GDP has fallen by 7.6%,\nmuch more than it did during the 2008 financial crisis. A recession that has\nonly increased inequalities, as Simon Jenkins denounces in The\nGuardian<\/em><\/a>. Indeed, according to Oxfam the fortunes of the world\u2019s ten\nrichest people have risen by \u00a3400 billion since the start of the pandemic. This\namount could vaccinate all adults on Earth, as well as restore lost income in\n2020 for the poorest people. Current economic policies, then, have allowed a\nsuper-rich elite to amass wealth in the midst of the worst recession since the\nGreat Depression, while billions of people are struggling to survive. In this\ncontext, it is important to note that many economists, both to the left and to\nthe right, have come to the conclusion that the gap between rich and poor\ncountries, as well as between rich and poor within a single society, is\ndestabilizing and dangerous for democracy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We want to highlight in the midst of the\nnegativity of the pandemic some element of optimism in environmental issues\nwith the betterment of renewable energy. Vivek Wadhwa and Alex Salkevero reveal\nin Foreign\nPolicy<\/em><\/a> that with almost no exceptions, renewable energy is now cheaper\nthan that produced from fossil fuels. Thus, last year the prices of batteries\nfor electric vehicles and solar panels fell, making electric and hybrid cars increasingly\ncheaper than traditional cars. At the same time, the cost of solar energy has\nfallen by 99% over the past four decades, which will help reduce global carbon\nemissions using renewable energy sources. Likewise, the falling cost of green\nenergy and the flexibility inherent in its modes of production will soon allow\nIndia and Africa to coincide with the West in power generation. In the same\nvein, L\u00e9ah Boukobza points out in Slate<\/em><\/a>\nmagazine that according to the recent report The\nEuropean Power Sector in 2020: Up-to-Date Analysis on the Electricity\nTransition<\/em><\/a>, in 2020 the European Union has for the first time generated\nmore energy with biofuels than fossil fuels. Last year, 38% of electricity\ndemand was met by renewable energy (wind, solar, hydraulic, biomass), compared\nto 37% with fossil fuels. The rapid growth of wind and solar energy has\naccelerated the decline of coal, the production of which fell by 20% in 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in the field of innovation and\nnew technologies, we highlight an article published in The\nEconomist<\/em><\/a> which analyses the impact of microchips on international\nrelations as the exponential increase in demand has made them a key issue in\nforeign policy and in the dispute between the United States and China over\nbeing the world\u2019s hegemonic power. Today, the microchip market represents a\nduopoly: on the one hand, the large American companies in Silicon Valley, and\non the other, the large Chinese corporations controlled by the government. Consequently,\nit seems that microchips could easily become the trigger for a new conflict. On\nthe other hand, Niklas Maak points out to Frankfurter\nAllgemeine<\/em><\/a> the dark side of algorithms. The amount of data we leave behind\non networks is impressive, and these are often used to define and program\nalgorithms, some of which are programmed to drive new generations to maintain\nthe current social, political, and economic status quo. This is an indirect\ninfluence, where the myth of free choice plays an important role. And finally,\nthe Financial\nTimes<\/em><\/a> points out that the efficiency of the Internet in Africa is\nimproving: it is becoming faster, denser and, above all, more local, reaching\nthe most inhospitable places. This is attracting more and more internet network\nproviders who see Africa as a market that has yet to expand. Companies such as\nGoogle and Facebook are building infrastructure in the area, such as a\nsubmarine internet line running from Lisbon to Cape Town. Nevertheless, more effort\nis needed, as the coronavirus has highlighted the shortcomings of the information\nsystem in Africa where the connection is often precarious and network access is\nstill expensive. One of the goals, therefore, is to bring networked hubs to\nAfrica in order to improve connectivity, especially in the interior of the\ncontinent.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

A year ago, the first news broke in the media and social media about the spread of the new coronavirus that had emerged in late 2019 in China and was rapidly affecting Europe and other regions of the world. This new edition of the Diari de les idees appears when COVID-19 is still much altering our ways of life, economic systems, social relations, and political systems, in a context marked by the difficulties of the large-scale vaccination process. A context which, as far as Catalonia is concerned, is interconnected with the parliamentary elections on February 14th that will surely mark\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":32545,"template":"","category_newspaper":[320],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-34229","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-320"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 37 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-37\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 37 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"A year ago, the first news broke in the media and social media about the spread of the new coronavirus that had emerged in late 2019 in China and was rapidly affecting Europe and other regions of the world. 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