{"id":37738,"date":"2021-03-24T09:53:36","date_gmt":"2021-03-24T09:53:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-39\/"},"modified":"2021-03-25T12:39:00","modified_gmt":"2021-03-25T12:39:00","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-39","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-39\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 39"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Spanish politics has entered a dynamic of absurdity and inconsistency, accentuated by the populist tone of its leaders, which could be described as pathetic in the face of the enormous challenges it has to face. The call for early elections in the Community of Madrid thus marks this new edition of Diari de les Idees<\/em>. A call that, added to the resignation of Spanish vice-president Pablo Iglesias to face Isabel D\u00edaz Ayuso, is a shock to the political scene and has direct consequences for Catalonia. The elections in Madrid could once again mean the postponement sine die of the unsustainable situation of the conflict with Catalonia, with the aggravating factor that the Catalan portfolio, which the Spanish government neglects, is accompanied by repression and loss of freedoms. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Spain is rapidly moving towards the troubled waters of populism and increasingly radicalised polarisation. On the conservative flank, the reconfiguration process concentrates several divisive factors. The collapse of Ciudadanos has dashed some people’s ‘expectations’ of a swing party that promised regeneration, pragmatism and supposedly liberal roots, yet to be proven. The inability to create a solid structure throughout the territory and multiple strategic errors have left the party badly wounded. The Popular Party, in turn, seems to have been abducted by the radical project of the president of the Community of Madrid, who is moving the party’s axis towards a more illiberal right. Victory in Madrid is an existential question for the PP; but to achieve it with Ayuso’s speech would mean the probable death of the moderation bet that, belatedly, the party’s leader, Pablo Casado, made in the speech of the motion of censure proposed by Vox. All of this will probably mean that the far-right party will become the only possible partner for the PP. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The decision by the leader of Unidas Podemos to give up the vice-presidency of the government to run in the Madrid elections will have a major impact on Spanish politics as a whole. His candidacy focuses the debate on an ideological battle between antagonisms. While Ayuso has sought to set herself up as the champion of freedom against communism, Iglesias’ party has centred its discourse on the rhetoric of anti-fascism. Likewise, the departure of Pablo Iglesias must also be read in an internal key. As Guy Hedgecoe pointed out in Politico<\/em><\/a> simmering discord within the Spanish coalition government had reached boiling point due to a combination of policy differences and personality clashes, which threatened to overshadow the government’s legislative agenda, while the opposition manoeuvred to capitalise on the coalition’s difficulties. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the other hand, the extreme polarisation may mean that, as the magazine’s Contexto<\/em><\/a> <\/em>editorial notes, by framing the election as a confrontation between two antagonistic forces, moderate and non-ideologised conservative voters who may have been tired of Ayuso’s arbitrariness and mismanagement may think twice before voting for one alternative or the other. In El Pa\u00eds<\/em>, Josep Ramoneda<\/a> argues that in the midst of the Catalan crisis, Spanish politics revolves around a double register: identity and ideology, the homeland and the right\/left confrontation. In Catalonia the identity fracture predominates (unionists\/independentists), which has as a consequence that the ideological axes are garbled in the pro-independence ranks. In Spain the right\/left confrontation scheme has predominated, reinforced from the moment Albert Rivera refused to govern with the PSOE in 2019 and anchored his party in the identity alliance with the right, on the basis of patriotism and neoliberalism. In short, as Jos\u00e9 Mar\u00eda Lassalle argues in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> democratic politics has ceased to be democratic and has become a spectacle. Populism is winning and imposing its dynamics. The problem is that when respect for democracy is lost and the rules of the game of prudence, ethics and intelligence are broken, the erosion of democracy grows. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The highly volatile Spanish political situation coincides with the start of a new legislature in the Catalan Parliament, which will have to determine the future course of Catalan independence in a context that continues to be marked by the judicialization of politics. An untenable situation that has been reflected in the vote to withdraw Puigdemont’s immunity in the European Parliament, which has been approved less comfortably than usual, and with opposing votes within the Socialist Group. European justice, the press and public opinion should be an element of weighting for Spanish politics, taking into account the warnings that the European institutions are directing at the Spanish state. Thus, for example, the Council of Europe’s Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatovic<\/a>, has expressed its concern over the increasing number of prison sentences handed down to artists and activists in Spain in recent years. Europe is surprised by the abuse of justice in Spanish politics, which is so rare in advanced democratic cultures. In this sense, the editorial of the magazine Contexto<\/em>, entitled Indulto<\/em> ya<\/em><\/a> claims that now, on the eve of a new Catalan legislature, the solution for the Catalan prisoners has not yet arrived. That it is already too late. And that, for that very reason, it may not come. Catalan society – and Spanish society as well – does not deserve politicians who, when they could have done something to start, maybe not political dialogue, but at least social dialogue in Catalonia, have preferred to look the other way. The editorial forcefully reaffirms that the prisoners, as a symbol of a change in the judicialization of politics and the criminalisation of dissidence and protest, must be released from prison. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

To top it all off, in a context of acute institutional crisis, Javier Gallego in El Diario<\/em><\/a> <\/em> argues that the raison d’\u00eatre<\/em> of the monarchy has disappeared, as it has ceased to be the symbol of unity that generates consensus, provides stability and represents the state both inside and outside. The Crown is now a symbol of privilege, fraud and opacity. The king is not a symbol of unity but of disunity because his figure divides and destabilises the State and causes much rejection, as manifested in Catalonia. The parliamentary monarchy according to the Constitution has to serve the Parliament and the people, who are the true sovereign, and Felipe VI broke this principle when he decided to go on television on 3 October 2017 to address Spaniards and threaten the Catalan pro-independence movement. The need for a founding myth to consolidate his reign was an act of partisanship that has further weakened an outdated and obsolete institution. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The populist threat to liberal democracies is also a matter of concern on the international scene and The Economist<\/em><\/a> warns that the lockdowns ordered because of the pandemic have made it easier for populist discourse to take root and manifest itself, for example, in the form of denial of the existence of the virus. Demonstrations have been seen in countries such as the USA, Germany and the Czech Republic, where virus denialist slogans were mixed with Confederate flags in the USA and imperial flags in Germany, as well as racist and anti-immigration speeches. A populism on the rise that Reuben Brigety describes in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> as a kind of tribalism capable of fracturing the power of democracies, with the danger that the policies pursued will address problems from the perspective of the community itself and abandon the common interest. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to the major geostrategic challenges of the future, the focus is on relations between the two superpowers. Thus, in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> C. Raja Mohan highlights that Joe Biden now faces difficult choices in relation to China, which has become the rival to beat on all fronts. In this sense, US policy has in recent years become more articulated as China is seen as the first and foremost threat to its national interests, and all defence, security and many other policies are being reoriented around this number one enemy. However, the political coalition that propelled Biden to victory is deeply divided over how to deal with China. There is strong opposition among Democrats to the full political confrontation and complete economic disengagement with China that the outgoing administration of US President Donald Trump articulated towards the end of his term. Among progressives, there is deep resistance to a cold war with China, although they want to intensify pressure on human rights in Beijing. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A Chinese power in full expansion, which, as Yanzhong Huang describes in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> is making the most of the so-called vaccine diplomacy, manufacturing and distributing vaccines to countries with fewer resources and seeking a return on its investment in the form of soft power: a legitimate diplomacy that brings prestige, but also entails outstanding favours and indebtedness. China is thus the country that is moving most rapidly towards consolidating its hegemony under the presidency of President Xi Jinping, who proclaimed last May that Chinese-made vaccines against COVID-19 would become a global public good. Since then, senior Chinese officials have promised many developing countries priority access to Chinese vaccines and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has announced that the country supplies free vaccines to 69 countries and exports them commercially to 28 more. A cause for concern, then, for China’s competitors because wherever Beijing’s vaccines go, its influence will spread. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Of particular note in this regard is the fact that, for the first time since the 1989 Tiananmen massacre, the EU has agreed to impose sanctions on four Chinese officials, including a senior security official, for human rights abuses in Xinjiang, prompting an immediate reaction from Beijing, which has responded with sanctions of its own. As Stuart Lau points out in Politico<\/em><\/a> unlike the US, the EU had always sought to avoid confrontation with Beijing, but the decision to impose the first significant sanctions since the EU arms embargo in 1989 signals a change of stance that marks a major turning point. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, another factor of international concern is the new anti-liberal alliance formed by Vladimir Putin and Recep Tayyip Erdogan, as described in an article by The Economist<\/em><\/a> which analyses the new alliance between Russia and Turkey that is changing the geopolitical context across the Middle East. Since 2016, Erdogan has had more face-to-face meetings with Putin than with any other leader and both autocrats share nostalgia for imperial times. Putin sees himself as a patriot who is rebuilding parts of the Soviet empire while Erdogan has put the Ottoman past at the service of a very aggressive foreign policy. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The relationship with Russia is also of concern to the European Union, according to an editorial in the German daily newspaper Die Zeit<\/em><\/a> which notes that in the wake of the Navalny case, the US and the EU have coordinated to impose a series of economic and mobility sanctions on various Russian state officials. This is therefore a turning point since, on the one hand, it is the first sanctions package decreed by President Biden and, on the other, it is the first time that the EU has applied the new sanctions system created last year. It should be remembered that these sanctions, while having practical implications, also have a decisive symbolic significance, as the future of diplomatic relations between the United States and the European Union could depend to some extent on them. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A European democracy, however, which can be improved, and which is the subject of analysis in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a> by David Elstein, who argues that Europe has been built through subtle traps to overcome obstacles to its integration. In his opinion, the design of the Union has not been created to generate a democratic space (the Parliament does not have much power), nor just a space for negotiation between countries (all moves have been made so that the majority could bypass unanimity when necessary), but rather to shield the interests of an elite above any possible response from either European citizens or any of its member states. This is in a context that Philippe Corcuff attempts to define in the magazine Slate<\/em><\/a> as the sociogenesis of a rightward shift in our public spaces that is born out of the new right-wing approaches to the far right, and mimics the intersectional and hypercommunicative rhetoric of the new left. Peter Maxwill also warns in the magazine Der Spiegel<\/em><\/a> that the COVID-19 pandemic is endangering democracy through three major factors that are contributing to draining its substance: social alienation, the problem of the right to demonstrate and the media crisis. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, Kanishk Tharoor<\/a> points out in The Guardian<\/em> that COVID-19 has showed once again that we live in an extremely unequal world where a simple and abstract issue such as nationality can be a determining factor in a person’s life. As of last December, the richest countries, which account for only 14% of the world’s population, had already purchased more than half of the available vaccines, while in the 130 poorest countries not a single dose has so far been administered. The controversy surrounding potential problems with the administration of AstraZeneca’s vaccine to some patients could be the expression of a geopolitical tension that could have disastrous effects on the outcome of the pandemic. Indeed, as Sarah Boseley points out in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> so far, evidence of side effects of the vaccine on health is scant, but rare side effects cannot be ruled out in such a massive and unprecedented campaign. However, the suspension of AstraZeneca’s supply has highlighted the conflict between the UK, the vaccine producer, and the EU where AstraZeneca has cut planned deliveries to 30 million doses in the first quarter, a third of what was initially promised. Ultimately, this situation only complicates an already complex situation and risks increasing the vulnerability of the population and initiating a trade war that portends the worst episodes on the continent. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Juan Antonio Sacaluga warns in Nueva Tribuna<\/em><\/a> that the political and diplomatic conflict over vaccines threatens to reinforce the lack of protection against the virus and its variants. In the EU, the vaccination process has been an institutional and political nightmare from the beginning. First there were the defaults of pharmaceutical suppliers, which the Commission tried to pressure and then backtracked. Inevitably, ethical questions have arisen on the margins of the political debate, as the controversies over so-called health passports show. Alexis Papazoglou wonders in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> on the ethical considerations of such a document. It seems reasonable that vaccinated people should have as much freedom as possible, but at the same time this creates an inequality with people who are not vaccinated. The reduced access of minorities to vaccines is also a further example of the complexity and inequalities created by the pandemic. In the same vein, Federico de Montalvo also raises in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> the question and argues that vaccination certificates may be ethically controversial and give rise to some unfair situations, but they contribute to protecting both the economy and the health of society. With regard to the ethical perspective, the objection lies in the fact that denying the certificate to someone who has not been vaccinated would be a double punishment. A person who does not belong to the priority groups is at the same time deprived of a certificate. Therefore, it seems that, from an ethical perspective, it would be fairer to expect universal access to vaccination. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

A vulnerability analysed by Fina Birul\u00e9s in La Maleta de Portbou<\/em><\/a> where she explains that the same system that is sustained and perpetuated by inequalities materialised at various levels, avoids discussing issues that question the effectiveness of the neoliberal system. In her view, the dynamic consists of detecting a vulnerability and promoting a series of public policies that protect the victim, avoiding the key question: why has this vulnerability occurred; is it a systematic and structural issue?  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recovery plans to mitigate the impacts of COVID-19 continue to dominate the economic news. In the magazine Contexto<\/em><\/a> Fernando Prats stresses what contradictions are raised by an agenda designed on the scale of big business? How will European debt be managed? Will it really be possible to reverse underlying trends and move towards fairer and more democratic scenarios? And this in a context in which we are facing a new historical cycle, the Anthropocene, in which the concatenation of interrelated global crises affects the vital, social, economic and political bases in force in recent decades. On the other hand, it is also worth highlighting the changes that the pandemic has brought about in the welfare state as we have known it until now, changes that are the subject of an exhaustive analysis in The Economist<\/em><\/a> where it is stressed that the pandemic has forced a re-evaluation of the social contract, especially the way in which risk is to be shared between individuals, employers and the state. The form of the welfare state has also been transformed. As the pandemic recedes and economic recovery approaches, the question is now whether and for how long the expansion of a renewed welfare state will continue. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Changes in the economy will also be decisive for the future of the climate emergency, which undoubtedly represents one of the greatest challenges facing humanity. As the Globalisation Debt Observatory researcher Alfonso P\u00e9rez warns in the daily newspaper P\u00fablico<\/em><\/a> it is unrealistic to promote a green transition while maintaining the same levels of current growth, as well as the Eurocentric nature of the plan. The other major contradiction is that most of these funds are likely to go to large companies that have the capacity to influence the administration, and to draw up very ambitious transformation plans. It will be the companies that least need the subsidies, and in many cases those that have contributed the most to the problem, which will receive the biggest slice of the cake. In the same vein, in the magazine Contexto<\/em><\/a>, Alberto Fraguas advocates degrowth, a political and ecological perspective according to which an economic system based on perpetual growth in an environment of finite natural resources is doomed to failure. He believes that, given the environmental constraints inherent in renewable energy production and its current structural limitations, replacing fossil energies with renewable energies without also reducing consumption levels is futile. The energy transition must therefore be accompanied by a socio-ecological transformation that redefines the economy in terms of the common good and establishes polycentric governance focused on the preservation of the biosphere. <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Spanish politics has entered a dynamic of absurdity and inconsistency, accentuated by the populist tone of its leaders, which could be described as pathetic in the face of the enormous challenges it has to face. The call for early elections in the Community of Madrid thus marks this new edition of Diari de les Idees. A call that, added to the resignation of Spanish vice-president Pablo Iglesias to face Isabel D\u00edaz Ayuso, is a shock to the political scene and has direct consequences for Catalonia. The elections in Madrid could once again mean the postponement sine die of the unsustainable situation of the conflict\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":36729,"template":"","category_newspaper":[320],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-37738","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-320"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 39 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-39\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 39 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Spanish politics has entered a dynamic of absurdity and inconsistency, accentuated by the populist tone of its leaders, which could be described as pathetic in the face of the enormous challenges it has to face. 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The elections in Madrid could once again mean the postponement sine die of the unsustainable situation of the conflict\u2026\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-39\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2021-03-25T12:39:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2021\/03\/philip-guston.jpg?fit=984%2C515&ssl=1\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"984\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"515\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"13 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-39\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-39\\\/\",\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 39 – IDEES\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-39\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-39\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/03\\\/philip-guston.jpg?fit=984%2C515&ssl=1\",\"datePublished\":\"2021-03-24T09:53:36+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2021-03-25T12:39:00+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-39\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-39\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-39\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/03\\\/philip-guston.jpg?fit=984%2C515&ssl=1\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2021\\\/03\\\/philip-guston.jpg?fit=984%2C515&ssl=1\",\"width\":984,\"height\":515},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-39\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Inici\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":3,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 39\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/\",\"name\":\"IDEES\",\"description\":\"Contemporary global issues\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Diari de les idees 39 – IDEES","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-39\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Diari de les idees 39 – IDEES","og_description":"Spanish politics has entered a dynamic of absurdity and inconsistency, accentuated by the populist tone of its leaders, which could be described as pathetic in the face of the enormous challenges it has to face. The call for early elections in the Community of Madrid thus marks this new edition of Diari de les Idees. A call that, added to the resignation of Spanish vice-president Pablo Iglesias to face Isabel D\u00edaz Ayuso, is a shock to the political scene and has direct consequences for Catalonia. 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