{"id":42033,"date":"2021-05-13T11:05:33","date_gmt":"2021-05-13T11:05:33","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-42-especial-100-dies-joe-biden\/"},"modified":"2021-05-31T09:56:15","modified_gmt":"2021-05-31T09:56:15","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-42-especial-100-dies-joe-biden","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-42-especial-100-dies-joe-biden\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 42 – Special issue Joe Biden first 100 days"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The first hundred days of the Biden Administration are the focus of the analysis in this new edition of Diari de les idees<\/em>. We take an in-depth look at an initial assessment of the paradigm shift that Biden has brought about with respect to Trump. To begin with, the new president has deployed an agenda with a markedly unconventional tone with respect to the previous mandate and which has been accentuated with a reformist policy of a social democratic nature that has surprised almost everyone. A recent example is the proposal to lift patent protections for COVID-19 vaccines in order to speed up production and distribution worldwide. The EU would do well with the policies that have prevailed so far to take note of the ambition of the new US presidency to tackle with such determination the enormous problems that are accumulating and especially with regard to new fiscal policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The first assessments of Biden’s presidency highlight the former senator’s new political direction, after a long centrist career of almost four decades of activity, which is now oriented towards more progressive, if not clearly social-democratic, positions. Thus, John H. Harris comments in the journal Politico<\/em><\/a> that Biden’s first policy speech has been one of the most ideologically ambitious of any Democratic president. The policies he has been announcing since January represent a Copernican shift from previous conservative dynamics. Indeed, after having taken numerous measures that have broken with Donald Trump’s policies and strategies, Biden believes that the time has come for a profound self-criticism of the functioning and actions of the US government and to adopt ambitious measures that will enhance the talent and creativity of American society and enable it to face today\u2019s many challenges.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Michael Hirsh says in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> that not since Franklin D. Roosevelt has an American president had a political action with as much impact as Biden in his first 100 days.  In the midst of a pandemic catastrophically managed by the previous administration and numerous social and economic setbacks, the new White House has sought to provide a forceful response to the country’s urgent challenges. Apart from signing nearly 50 executive orders, most of them reversing Trump’s legacy, its management has been marked by a successful campaign of mass vaccination of the population and the approval of three packages of measures (Rescue Plan, Jobs Plan and Families Plan, which we will talk about in detail later) totalling nearly 6 trillion dollars to boost the US economy and alleviate the effects of the pandemic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Also The Conversation<\/em><\/a> and The New Statesman<\/em><\/a> devote a series of articles to the first 100 days and analyse Biden’s appearance before the House of Representatives and the Senate, jointly chaired by two women, Vice President Kamala Harris and Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Highlights include the passage of the American Rescue Plan, the re-entry of the United States into the Paris Agreement on climate change, and the repeal of some of Trump’s border control measures. Despite the many laudatory comparisons with policies undertaken in the 1930s, they underline that, in the case of Franklin D. Roosevelt, he was able to count on large majorities in Congress to pass his bills into law, while Biden now finds himself in a context where politics is more polarised than ever and can only count on the support of the Democratic Party. Indeed, short Democratic majorities in the House and Senate, and the filibuster used to block almost any major legislation, may be a major obstacle, especially depending on the outcome of the mid-term elections in 2022.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the area of economic policies, the effects of the 2008 financial crisis and the steady rise in inequalities urgently called for radical change. The old economic recipes and regressive fiscal policies that had used their predecessors had proved ineffective and obsolete in bringing the country together. The trickle down economics has never worked<\/em><\/a>  that he pronounced and tweeted is the paradigm and the bet now is to grow the economy from below, strengthening the working and middle classes. Candidate Joe Biden had promised American workers to rebuild a fairer America, aware of the importance of the recovery of the middle and working classes hard hit by the crises and four decades of neoliberal policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Yago \u00c1lvarez argues about Biden’s proposals about new fiscal policies in El salto diario<\/em><\/a> that the new president is breaking the inertia of the last decades of tax dumping and the constant decrease in the contribution of companies to public finances and it is surprising that this change has come from the United States. Especially after seeing how Trump reduced the US corporate tax rate from 35% to 21%. In this sense, Biden has revealed that a study<\/a> conducted by the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy shows that 55 US multinationals, including Nike and FedEx, did not pay a single dollar in federal income taxes in 2020. Had they paid 21% of their profits, the 55 companies would have contributed a total of $8.5 billion. Instead, under Trump’s policies, they received $3.5 billion in tax breaks. But now instead, Janet L. Yellen, US Treasury Secretary in the new Biden era, has just announced that the US will raise the corporate tax rate from 21% to 28% and will work with G20 countries to agree on a global minimum corporate tax rate that can halt this raise to the bottom race to the bottom. Ultimately, it is about ensuring that governments have stable tax systems that raise enough revenue to invest in essential public goods and respond to crises, and that all citizens share equally in the burden of financing the public purse.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

For her part, Erika York point out in Tax Foundation <\/em><\/a> that in his first 100 days as President, Joe Biden has proposed more than a dozen significant changes to the US tax code that will raise more than $3 trillion in revenue and increase incentives to invest, save and work in the United States. After enacting the Bailout Plan, Biden has made two other proposals involving multi-trillion dollar spending – the $2.65 trillion Jobs Plan and the $1.8 trillion Families Plan – that will be funded in part by tax increases on businesses, higher-income households and corporations. Biden’s proposed Jobs Plan would finance infrastructure investments and increased spending in other priority sectors by increasing the tax burden on domestic and foreign corporate profits, which would mean raising the intangible global low-taxed income tax to 21 per cent, applying a 15 per cent minimum tax on corporate book income, which would apply to the financial profits of companies with income over $100 million, providing a tax credit for certain offshoring activities, eliminating certain deductions and credits for the fossil fuel industry, and extending and restructuring certain tax credits for green energy production.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this regard, Nathaniel Rakich points out in FiveThirtyEight<\/em><\/a> the broad public support for the $1.9 trillion plan to stimulate the economy after the coronavirus. He also warns that the other two packages ($2 trillion to boost infrastructure and $1.8 trillion for childcare and preschool, among others) generate a diversity of opinion. The infrastructure plan aims to bring the US economy to a higher level than before the crisis and should help create jobs, generate more income in the most classic Keynesian line while also strengthening the economy to contain the Chinese onslaught. He stresses that the plan must be financed precisely by raising corporate taxes in order to make everyone’s contributions to the common good fairer. In order to generate broader support, Biden intends to finance these three packages through the popular measures discussed above, by raising the corporate tax rate from 21% to 28% and increasing taxes on large fortunes. At the same time, this method of financing should make it possible to significantly reduce tax evasion and reorient the US economy in a context where the dynamics of globalisation are changing. Indeed, as Llu\u00eds Bassets notes in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a>, We are in a context of absolute novelties on the emerging geopolitical map for which the old recipes are of no use. Building a new system of relations with authoritarian powers, especially China and Russia, in which democracies are not held hostage to global economic interests, will require a little more time, a lot of intelligence and trial and error, i.e., failures and successes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

We are therefore experiencing a radical change of course for the United States, but also for the world economy. The new president’s strategy is to rebuild the economy, but in a global context that is very different from before the pandemic, as David Ignatius points out in an article published in The Washington Post<\/em><\/a>, where he discusses the ambitious, nearly $2 trillion package to change the American social contract. To achieve this turnaround, which, if successful, would mean an unprecedented change in American politics, Biden has focused all efforts on the centrepiece of his agenda: the green economy. Achieving the goals of job creation that the transformation of the sustainability industry poses. To achieve this he needs two variables to be met: on the one hand, an injection of capital into the sector that maintains US global leadership and on the other, a strong investment in human capital.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

One of the important issues around which Joe Biden’s new course of action revolves is the fight against climate change. As Biden<\/a> himself had promised, from day one his administration has shown its willingness to act immediately and ambitiously, articulating its environmental policy around nine key elements: 1) taking executive action not just to reverse all the damage caused by Trump, but going further and faster in the fight against climate change; 2) working with Congress to enact legislation this very year that, by the end of the term, will have laid the groundwork for an irreversible path to achieve zero emissions by 2050 at the latest; 3) mobilising every state in the world to take urgent action; 4) a historic investment in net energy and innovation of more than $400. 400 billion over ten years; 5) accelerating the deployment of clean technology throughout the US economy; 6) making environmental justice a priority for all federal agencies; 7) holding polluting companies and industries accountable and making them pay; 8) creating 10 million middle-class, well-paying jobs in the fight against the climate emergency; and 9) fulfilling the obligation to communities and workers who have risked their lives to produce fossil fuels. From this statement of intent, Heather Hansman<\/a> proceeds to a review of Biden’s early actions in this area, noting that the US has initially rejoined the Paris Climate Agreement, the Keystone XL pipeline has been cancelled, and the new administration’s commitment to environmental justice has been solidified.  Subsequently, the new president has been reversing a series of Trump-era orders that his team has deemed incompatible with science and public health, including those that cleared the way for accelerated drilling on federal lands. Biden has also created a climate task force within the Interior Department that will, among other things, incorporate the social cost of carbon into the department’s work. One of the initiatives that is getting off the ground and will have a huge impact on citizens’ daily lives is the President’s commitment to reduce US household gas emissions to 50% below 2005 levels by 2030. Ultimately, these actions are incorporated, in part, into the $2.65 trillion infrastructure plan, which includes funding for electric vehicles, a revamped electricity grid, climate research, and so on.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Piper McDaniel<\/a> highlights the executive order that prioritises protecting the environment, air and water, reducing chemical and pesticide use, holding polluters accountable, reducing greenhouse gases, and combating climate change; the executive order that underscores the importance of giving executive departments and agencies flexibility to use robust regulatory action to address national priorities, as this order rolls back Trump-era policies that limit regulations; and the executive order that recommends that the federal government follow science-based criteria, requires reviewing and reforming existing policies to ensure they are evidence-based, and discourages inappropriate political interference with existing policies to ensure they are evidence-based and discourages inappropriate political interference; the development of an executive memorandum recommending the federal government follow science-based criteria, requiring review and reform of existing policies to ensure they are evidence-based and discourage inappropriate political interference with scientific research and conclusions; the creation of a presidential advisory council on science, technology and innovation charged with informing public policy related to the economy, worker empowerment, education, energy, the environment, public health, national and homeland security, racial equity and other issues; the executive order positioning the climate crisis at the centre of foreign and domestic policy and national security, with the goal of moving the US to zero carbon emissions; the executive order mandating a review of the impacts of climate change on migration, national security and international policy; the creation of a climate innovation task force to strengthen US progress on green energy and other climate initiatives. It also earmarked $100 million for innovative research and development to improve climate resilience; and the signing of the American Rescue Plan Act, a pandemic relief bill that includes funding for water system upgrades, financial support for local regulators and public infrastructure.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, Zack Colman draws in Politico<\/em><\/a> a series of general notes on the Biden administration’s energy and climate goal from an economic and geopolitical perspective.\u202fThis new policy phase aims to introduce legislation that will turn the government into a true emissions reduction machine, while generating new commitments with other major economies such as Canada, Japan and South Korea. While it has no shortage of competitors, the question now is who will lead the change and who will achieve hegemony. For its part, The Economist<\/em><\/a> argues that there remains, however, some scepticism about the implementation of the envisaged plans due to the political division in the country that makes it difficult for the US Senate to pass any legislation. Moreover, history does not speak in the United States’ favour as its credibility has already been damaged on several occasions. Nevertheless, by adopting these measures, the United States is openly declaring its intentions to lead the renewable energy revolution, a competition so far led by China through its planned phase-out of coal use in the coming years. In short, this is a new challenge to certify that the United States is not prepared to lose its world hegemony.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On domestic politics, Susan B. Glasser points out in The New Yorker<\/em><\/a> that after months of dystopia and darkness, it seems that Biden’s initiatives during his first 100 days in office have generated new hope in the country. Jobs, the climate crisis, the fight against racism, arms control, equal access to education and health, gender equality, etc., are some of the aspects that Biden has placed as central axes of action and which could become a tool for profound social and economic transformation. To achieve this, however, the attitude of the Republicans – who are sceptical of the dynamics generated by Biden – will be fundamental. In addition, John Lawrence warns in The New York Times<\/em><\/a> of the dangers of playing the bipartisanship card at any cost. The former chief of staff to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi believes that while it is good to try to find common ground, insisting on bipartisanship, given the great political divide on economic recovery, tax reform, climate change and healthcare, can only lead to gridlock or the implementation of watered-down and ineffective policies. Finally, in a more balanced assessment, Emily Tamkin argues in The New Statesman<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that the US president has exceeded some expectations, but that he has also fallen short on issues ranging from student debt to the climate crisis. While Biden may end up being a better president than expected, especially domestically, many progressives argue that he still has a lot to prove.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in terms of foreign policy and in the face of the paradigm shift brought about by the policies implemented by Joe Biden, Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> devotes an extensive dossier to a first assessment of the new administration. President Joe Biden’s foreign policy motto is “America is back” and he wastes no time. Biden and his new team are aware that the demands of global politics require them to restore trust with old allies – such as the European Union – damaged during the Trump years and to attract new partners seeking the protection of a new American leadership, particularly the countries of the Asia-Pacific region.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, the main challenge is an increasingly self-confident, economically aggressive and technologically sophisticated China that challenges the old US political and economic hegemony. The F<\/em>inancial Times<\/em><\/a> warns that what Biden’s team has been trying to do is to establish a new normal in the relationship between the two countries. A relationship that requires Beijing’s leaders to understand that there will be new frictions and that Chinese pressure on the US or its allies and partners will not cause the United States to slow its new multilateralist momentum. The political dynamics in both countries also suggest that it may be some time before Washington and Beijing reach a d\u00e9tente. A timetable that runs through the mid-term elections in November 2022, and also around that time, Xi Junping will have to manage the Communist Party Congress in order to secure re-election for another five years. Until these two political events take place, there may not be much room for compromise between the two countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, other scenarios that will determine the direction of the new US foreign policy are the Middle East and Latin America. In The New York Times, <\/em>Lee Wolowsky<\/a> states that after the decision to withdraw all troops deployed to Afghanistan, President Joe Biden has the opportunity to make amends for one of Barak Obama’s greatest failures. This opportunity is none other than the disappearance of the Guant\u00e1namo prison centre, a centre that has a very high cost not only on an economic level, but also with respect to the international reputation of the USA. In this sense, the Biden administration has taken the first step towards dismantling the centre by negotiating the release of 6 prisoners, while those who cannot be transferred out of US custody for different reasons are expected to be transferred to the federal prison system.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As Daniel R. Depetris points out in Newsweek<\/em><\/a>, the Middle East is a region that has been a real headache for the last three US presidents at a cost of more than $6 trillion and tens of thousands of victims, mainly civilians in conflicts such as those in Syria and Yemen. The first 100 days in office seem to indicate that Biden is taking steps to gradually shift his geostrategic priorities and focus his attention on the Asia-Pacific region. Thus, within weeks of taking office Biden announced that the US would stop providing military support to Saudi Arabia in the Yemen war, as continuing to equip Riyadh with air-to-ground munitions, logistical support and diplomatic cover was a losing proposition for the US. Biden’s most significant decision, however, is the withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan, which has long been considered a priority by most US foreign policy experts after more than 20 years on the ground. With regard to the Middle East, however, the Biden administration’s moves so far are still uncertain. US troops remain trapped in Syria and Iraq, initially on a mission to fight ISIS remnants, but in reality to protect Syria’s scarce oil fields from being accessed by the Syrian government. In Politico<\/em><\/a>, Nahal Toosi underlines another major unresolved issue: the conflict with Iran. While Biden administration negotiators are looking for ways to rejoin the nuclear deal with Tehran, the issue of sanctions imposed by Donald Trump is proving to be a major stumbling block. If, on the one hand, Iranian officials argue that all Trump-era sanctions should be lifted, US negotiators argue that some cannot be removed because they relate to issues unrelated to Iran’s nuclear programme, such as human rights or the rule of law. Finally, with regard to Latin America, Mois\u00e9s Na\u00edm warns in the magazine Slate<\/em><\/a> of the dangers for the United States and the multilateral system of perpetuating the neglect with which Washington has treated its southern neighbours for decades, since ignoring Latin American crises can now have serious consequences. Indeed, Washington has abandoned Latin America during the pandemic to the extent that even its traditional allies have been forced to negotiate Russian and Chinese vaccines. In the face of this situation, the Biden administration has so far limited itself to warning its regional allies that adopting Huawei technology as an adjunct to 5G network development is unacceptable. Meanwhile, China is distributing millions of vaccines in the region…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The first hundred days of the Biden Administration are the focus of the analysis in this new edition of Diari de les idees. We take an in-depth look at an initial assessment of the paradigm shift that Biden has brought about with respect to Trump. To begin with, the new president has deployed an agenda with a markedly unconventional tone with respect to the previous mandate and which has been accentuated with a reformist policy of a social democratic nature that has surprised almost everyone. A recent example is the proposal to lift patent protections for COVID-19 vaccines in order\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":71142,"template":"","category_newspaper":[320],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-42033","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-320"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 42 - Special issue Joe Biden first 100 days – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-42-especial-100-dies-joe-biden\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 42 - Special issue Joe Biden first 100 days – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The first hundred days of the Biden Administration are the focus of the analysis in this new edition of Diari de les idees. 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