{"id":44824,"date":"2021-07-05T15:58:34","date_gmt":"2021-07-05T15:58:34","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-45\/"},"modified":"2021-07-06T09:04:40","modified_gmt":"2021-07-06T09:04:40","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-45","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-45\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 45"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

After three issues devoted monographically to the first 100 days of Joe Biden<\/a>‘s presidency, the EU NextGeneration<\/a> recovery funds and China<\/a>‘s new role in international relations, we resume the usual course of the Diari de les idees<\/em><\/strong> with the most relevant aspects of the last two weeks. We especially highlight the situation in the Middle East, with the change of government in Israel, the elections in the Islamic Republic of Iran and the first international tour of the new president of the United States, with special attention to the meetings of the G7, with the EU and with Vladimir Putin. A new edition, which, of course, also echoes the repercussions of the pardons and the climate of d\u00e9tente that has opened up between the Catalan and Spanish governments, still awaiting the unblocking and opening of paths for dialogue and negotiation to resolve the conflict.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From the outset, we underline that despite the resounding opposition of the Popular Party and the Socialists, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has adopted by a large majority – 70 votes in favour, 28 against and 2 abstentions a resolution<\/a> which calls on the government of Pedro S\u00e1nchez to abandon the extradition process against former president Carles Puigdemont and the other Catalan politicians living abroad who are subject to a European arrest warrant, and to reform the provisions on the crime of sedition and rebellion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding the new stage opened by the pardons, we highlight the article by Josep Maria Vall\u00e8s, who argues in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> that the pardons should be the starting signal for what will surely be a long road to d\u00e9tente and which requires the participants to recognise each other, with their respective baggage of different and deeply rooted legal, political and cultural beliefs. In full awareness that they share neither the pace, nor the steps to follow, nor the final objective. Vall\u00e8s stresses that it is advisable to be aware of certain deficits at the starting point and of foreseeable traps that will threaten the journey, and that perhaps it would be good to have a synthetic “rough guide” that warns us of the harshness of the journey and prevents us from premature illusions. Ultimately, after the pardons, a new relationship between Catalonia and Spain must move forward without haste in the search for gradual solutions and obtain popular approval through the ballot box. In Contexto<\/em><\/a> Jos\u00e9 Antonio Mart\u00edn Pall\u00edn, commissioner of the international commission of jurists is scandalised by the fact that certain sectors consider pardons to be an attack on the pillars of the separation of powers. On the other hand, he also points out that the three political parties – PP, Vox and Ciudadanos – who have already announced a series of appeals before the Third Chamber of the Supreme Court may be unaware that article 19 of the regulatory law only contemplates the exercise of popular action in cases expressly provided for by law, a circumstance that is not present in the law on pardons.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the international level,  The Guardian<\/em><\/a> editorial notes that Pedro S\u00e1nchez has taken a considerable political risk by considering that the time has come to begin a process of reconciliation and that Spanish society has to move from a bad past to a better future, and that this will require magnanimity. The newspaper also considers that Madrid’s excessive and authoritarian response, led by Mariano Rajoy and the Supreme Court judges, only made things worse. In the same vein, Tony Barber argues in The Financial Times<\/em><\/a> that the pardons are a gamble and an act of faith, and that despite scepticism about the new stage, they represent a significant step forward. He believes that the essential thing is that the Spanish government is sending a powerful signal to all, whether Catalan independence supporters or Spanish unionists, about its desire to seek an agreement in a spirit of generosity. Likewise, The New York Times<\/em><\/a> gives voice to Jordi Cuixart in an interview prior to the pardons, in which it is clear that the situation of the Catalan politicians and the rest of the reprisals poses a serious political dilemma for the Spanish state. Finally, the editorial of the Portuguese daily P\u00fablico<\/em><\/a> warns that Spanish democracy lacks the fundamental ingredient of democracies: the space for compromise. He considers that the independence process instigated intolerance, consummated the rupture between important segments of society, promoted the violation of constitutional norms, the imprisonment of politicians as if they were common criminals, and plunged Spain into a crisis that seems to have no end. In this context, he believes that the decision to approve pardons for Catalan political prisoners is as an act of courage that should serve to leave behind the criminal and misguided path and build bridges of dialogue, even if agreements are difficult to reach today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to the international geopolitical stage, Jeremy Cliffes argues in The New Statesman<\/em><\/a> that the recent G7 summit has had a modest success and showed the loss of weight of a West that is progressively lagging behind China’s leadership. It also reviews the main issues that will have to be resolved over the coming months, such as economic recovery after the pandemic, free trade between the US and the EU, the problem of climate change, and shared democratic values. In the same magazine, James Crabtree<\/a> argues that the US has long been trying to articulate a viable alternative to Beijing’s Silk Road Initiative. In the wake of the last G7 meeting there seem to be signs that a new attempt will be made under the name of the Green Clean Initiative, although the main obstacle at the outset appears to be a lack of funding. The plan is likely to include a commitment to create a strategic framework, but this can only work if there is political will and resources. Infrastructure is expensive, and even more so for transnational projects such as railway lines or smart grids. The West’s credibility is at stake in the development of this project. Emerging economies are watching closely how seriously the G7 is trying to compete with China. In addition, under-resourced plans always risk doing more harm than good. Likewise, Thomas Pepinsky and Jessica Chen Weiss consider in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> that the new superpower’s strength is obvious in its relations with other Asian countries such as the Philippines and Myanmar, ushering in a new era of inter-country cooperation in which China has become more ambitious in its efforts to make the international order more favourable to its interests. However, the authors warn that if China wants to advocate a return to a system of mutual coexistence between sovereign states, it will have to reduce its intrusive policies in other regions (especially in Central Asia and Africa).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The other major challenge facing liberal democracies is Vladimir Putin’s Russia. For this reason, Anna Nemtsova’s analysis is interesting, as she writes in The Atlantic<\/em><\/a> about the balances of power that affect Kremlin policies. The Russian president has to manage the two major power-holding factions: on the one hand, the siloviki<\/em>, or ‘men of power’, an autocratic group supported by the security agencies, and on the other, the technocrats, a group of competent and more liberal managers. Both groups monopolise almost all spheres of power in Russia, while Western sanctions against the Moscow regime have only coalesced these elites around Vladimir Putin, while this new Cold War-type of conflict has reinforced the legitimacy of authoritarian power in the eyes of the population. Right now, the struggle has shifted in recent years towards the siloviki<\/em>, hardening repression against any opposition group and determining Putin’s major decisions, which have distanced him from the more liberal elites. For the author, the best thing the West can do to weaken authoritarianism in Russia is not to empower dissidents but to strengthen liberal democracies themselves in the face of extremist threats. Katrin Manson writes in Financial Times<\/em><\/a> about Russia’s intensification of disinformation campaigns on vaccination, while also linking cyber-attacks by hackers aimed at undermining liberal democratic governments and institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another scene to watch closely over the coming months is Iran and the prospects for a return to the nuclear deal with the United States. Jay Mens analyses in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> the internal turf wars that have been endemic to Iranian political life since 1979. In this context, it seems that Ebrahim Raisi, the newly elected president, rather than competing with Khamenei, will be the perfect accomplice to Khamenei’s plan to make the Islamic Republic of Iran more ‘Islamic’ and less ‘republic’. As was the case in 2005, Khamenei is paving the way for the incumbent president to undo eight years of reforms. The disastrous economic performance of Rouhani’s presidency – produced in part by the 2018 US decision to reimpose broad sanctions – has facilitated Khamenei’s attack on reformers.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the European level, Andr\u00e9s Gil underlines in El Diario<\/em><\/a> the importance of the new phase initiated in the White House with respect to relations with the EU and stresses that the return of multilateralism with the arrival of Biden to the presidency has become clear after his European tour. The recovery of the transatlantic link is fundamental for establishing work agendas and commitments that have a positive impact on the planet: a proposal for a universal tax of at least 15% for multinationals; the definition of common strategies between the US and the EU with respect to China and Russia; the end of the 17-year trade war between the EU and the US over competition between Airbus and Boeing; and the return of the US to the World Health Organisation, the Paris Agreement and multilateralism in general. A kind of oxygen balloon for an EU in crisis, as Mas de Xax\u00e0s argues in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a> as a result of a survey<\/a> of the European Council on Foreign Relationsshowing that EU’s poor management of the pandemic, especially at the start of the vaccination campaign, has reduced Europeans’ confidence in their institutions. So much so that a majority feel the EU has failed to protect the population from the virus and the ensuing economic crisis. However, the survey points out that despite this new disappointment, European leaders still have a window of opportunity, as a majority of citizens believe that the EU can still be useful if it manages to provide joint and effective responses to global challenges. This means more internal cooperation and international outreach as well as greater political and military integration. Susi Dennison, director of the programme European Power<\/a> of the European Council on Foreign Relationsand co-author of the survey, believes that the EU is now at a crossroads and that the decisions it takes will determine its long-term future. A future that involves multilateralism, the defence of human rights and democratic values, and the strengthening of the rule of law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

A crisis to which the other liberal democracies are no strangers, as Nuria Alabao points out in the magazine Contexto<\/em><\/a> where he argues that the rise of the extreme right in liberal democracies should not be seen as a disruption, but as a logical consequence of certain policies. Thus, mass privatisation and the rise of individualism, with the consequent destruction of the social fabric, have led to the emergence of far-right groups that advocate ethno-nationalism and spread fear of those who are different, be they migrants, unaccompanied minors, transgender people or minority groups. Ultimately, these neo-fascisms are a continuation of the worst face of neoliberalism, and must be fought through the egalitarian redistribution of wealth and with democratic radicalism. A spirit that ties in with the utopias analysed by the philosopher Chantal Maillard in La Maleta de Porbou<\/em><\/a>. Firstly, the bid to transform the world into a better place involves working at a global level with governments willing to act together, which would have to be made up of people who are politically, ethically and sentimentally educated. A second, more controversial utopia would be to think that in a politically educated society, parties would not be necessary except to debate infrastructure issues, never public justice issues, bearing in mind that parties are not always led by qualified people. The third utopianism proposes the need to re-evaluate our awareness of our superiority over other species. The fourth utopia argues that we must replace the value of calculation and the value of profit with the value of coexistence. Finally, the fifth considers that the sciences have so far followed the same logic of the Aristotelian syllogism, and that a change must be made towards the use of metaphor.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Other dangers to democratic systems have been revealed by the pandemic and Alain Garrigou says in Le Monde Diplomatique<\/em><\/a> that since its inception, COVID-19 has raised many political questions, which, having been put on the back burner due to the health emergency will now re-emerge and be amplified. Without prejudging all that remains to be discovered regarding the management of the pandemic, he believes that what we already know is very worrying and that we must start demanding answers at the risk of obtaining approximate explanations. For example, he points to the shortage of masks, tests and vaccines that has existed in all countries at one time or another. How could governments have made the same mistakes repeatedly? Is health a commodity like any other that can be left to the free will of the market economy? On the face of it, the answer seems to be yes, and this is undoubtedly the main crime of a financial capitalism that accepts that armaments are the prerogative of states and that the rules of the World Trade Organisation do not apply to them. The same goes for the pharmaceutical industry. In this context, the idea of making COVID vaccines a global public good is an urgent necessity. After all, there are historical precedents. At the end of the 19th century, the Pasteur Institute sent its researchers to China and the countries of the British Empire to stop the plague, and the vaccine, for its part, was distributed free of charge in India as a public good. Today, on the other hand, the pharmaceutical industry defends the logic of profit when it has received colossal subsidies from all public administrations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Likewise, in The New Yorker<\/em><\/a> Sue Alpern warns of the dangers of not vaccinating massively countries that do not belong to the privileged club. Last summer, more than a hundred Nobel laureates, former heads of state, religious and business leaders urged the World Health Organisation to decree vaccines against IVID-19 as a public good. They also called on the WHO to establish an international committee to monitor vaccine research and ensure equal access for all countries and all people within a specific timeframe. However, despite the launch of COVAX, an initiative aimed at equitable distribution of COVID-19 vaccines, the mechanism has not worked. According to the platform Our World in Data<\/a> while 23.4 per cent of the world’s population has received at least one dose of vaccine and more than 3 billion doses have been administered globally, only 0.9 per cent of the population in low-income countries has received at least one dose.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding the state of the economy, Michael Hirsch stresses in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> that one of the important, not to say historic, milestones of the last G7 summit was the adoption of a minimum corporate tax. Indeed, so far the effective rates charged by tax havens such as Ireland are far below the agreed minimum of 15%. Ireland’s nominal rate is 12.5%, but due to all sorts of exemptions and facilities given to companies, the real rate is less than 1% for many corporations, especially technology companies. While it is true that the US president was aiming for a more ambitious target of around 21%, this is a major step forward in reversing the burden on workers and forcing companies to contribute more. Meanwhile, The Economist<\/em> newspaper reveals an OECD report<\/a> which notes that while the global outlook is improving, the results are very different from country to country. It is likely to remain uneven and depend on the effectiveness of vaccination programmes and public health policies. Some countries are recovering much faster than others are and for example, Korea and the United States are already recovering to pre-pandemic levels of per capita income while much of Europe is expected to take almost 3 years to recover. At the same time, while vaccination rates in many advanced economies are advancing apace, poorer and emerging market countries are lagging behind. In a globalised and interconnected world, if you do not protect everyone, you protect no one. Finally, Peter Bofinger looks at European fiscal Policy in Social Europe<\/em><\/a> and warns that it needs to change after the pandemic caused public debt to soar to an average of 120% of GDP and thus fall far short of the 60% set by the Maastricht Treaty. In 2013, the European Fiscal Compact set a debt constraint for its member states and established the European Central Bank as the guarantor of price stability by raising interest rates in order to avoid an inflationary situation. What is needed now is cooperation between European governments and the ECB in order to identify the causes of inflationary pressure and to remedy them, complementing interest rate rises with concrete solutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the climate crisis, The Economist<\/em><\/a> analyses and challenges China’s strategies that CO2 emissions would peak in 2030, and that by 2060 the country would achieve emissions neutrality. To achieve this, large wind and solar farms have been built, but right now, coal still supplies around 60% of the country’s energy, and its use has increased since China joined the Paris Climate agreement. Despite requests from the US and the EU, Chinese development banks continue to lend millions of dollars each year to rebuild coal-fired plants. The role of the economic planning agency is above the Chinese environment ministry and the rules governing the emissions scheme have been relaxed, so that only a few plants face real restrictions. In another article, The Economist<\/a><\/em> also warns that as the global economy revives, scarcity and price rises are creating a bottleneck of metal shortages and land constraints that threaten to slow the green energy boom. For example, the price of the five minerals used in electric cars and power grids is estimated to have soared 139% in the last year. To stay on track towards zero emissions, annual production of electric vehicles in 2030 would need to be ten times higher than last year and the number of on-road charging stations 31 times higher. The installed base of renewable energy generation needs to triple. On the other hand, the main reason for companies’ under-investment is that projects take too long to be approved and their expected risk and profitability remain too opaque. Ultimately, however, a positive reading is that the green bottlenecks are a sign that decarbonisation is finally moving from being a theoretical idea to a reality.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> Pierre Charbonnier anticipates the future post-carbon world and asserts that, beyond the sterile alternative between low-carbon capitalism and apocalypse, Europe has the means and resources to build a policy proposal less dependent on the spirit of conquest than those of China and the United States. In a context where Europe is unlikely to reap the greatest benefits from the green transition as conceived in Beijing or Washington, and where it has no urgent need for growth due to development imperatives that other regions are familiar with, the post-carbon unlimited economic scenario is, more than for any other part of the world, a risky gamble. The decarbonisation of the world economy will be a test for Europe in shaping its attitude towards the future. The author warns that the coming transformations of our economic and technical environment may reproduce what the great acceleration had already provoked in the 1950s, i.e. a depoliticisation absorbed by the growth of consumption and an apparent social peace.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, a panel of experts discusses in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> the lessons to be learned from the COVID-19 pandemic and believes that it is time to accept that the new coronavirus is here to stay. The desire to immunise the entire human population has remained a wish rather than a possibility for a number of reasons, including the inability of many countries to vaccinate the entire population or the multiple variants that are beyond the scope of vaccine-generated defences. Eradicating COVID-19 is not about money and resources, but about strategies, as demonstrated by the fact that in pandemics such as cholera and smallpox there were few resources and little money available. It was therefore decided to opt for various strategies, such as eliminating the source of contagion and vaccinating those considered at risk of being the next carriers of the disease, thus cutting off the chain of transmission. On both occasions, the strategy was successful. In short, the current pandemic has shown us that there is a major gap in the common strategy of countries and that we currently have a vulnerable global emergency response system, susceptible to political interference. Meanwhile Gregory Koblenz and Filippa Lentzos warn in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> of the biosafety implications of the coronavirus. Indeed, the safety of Chinese biolabs hosting certain dangerous research has been in the eye of the storm due to the still uncertain origin of COVID-19. The safety of these Chinese bio-laboratories has long been questioned by many international organisations, such as the American Biosafety Association, which warns that safety is inadequate. Proof of this is the exposure to biological contamination of several Chinese researchers, according to the ABA. These associations also denounce the fact that most of the world’s bio-laboratories are located in urban areas and question whether these centres that deal with highly lethal and transmissible pathogens have to be located in urban areas from where they can spread easily.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to the new technologies, several experts warn that in El Period\u00edco<\/em><\/a> of the need to achieve global regulation of data protection, reduce the digital divide and the accumulation of platforms, and promote more sustainable technology for the planet. They point out that we face the digital challenge of transforming our societies without the omnipresent technological revolution instrumentalising or subordinating citizenship. So-called technological humanism, i.e. placing human well-being as a guiding principle for the digital future, is one of the key issues of this era. However, it involves many challenges. The already consolidated platform economy cannot be understood without extractivism: the data that we generate unconsciously through our activity on the Internet is used to create profiles that are then sold to advertisers, who then use them to send us their messages. The application of Artificial Intelligence systems to this large volume of data will make it possible to go further and make calculations to predict and induce our future behaviour. This model has created controversy due to its tense relationship with our privacy and the consequent infringement of our autonomy and freedom. Against this backdrop, one of the great challenges of our era will be the regulation of data protection on a global scale. Here, the European Union is taking the lead, having already launched the General Data Protection Regulation in 2016, and last April it presented the first law<\/a> in the world that regulates the use of Artificial Intelligence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, Melissa Heikkil\u00e4 analyses in the magazine Politico<\/em><\/a> the new Chinese AI model Wu Dao 2.0, which can understand everything people say, including grammar, write essays and poems in traditional Chinese and can also recognise images and generate realistic images based on descriptions. The Beijing Artificial Intelligence Academy with funding from the Chinese government has developed the model. Mass linguistic models, which produce text that appears to be written by humans, are one of the most powerful AI-driven technologies, and companies such as Google want to incorporate them into their search systems. These models are an informal indicator of countries’ progress in AI, which is why this new model is of concern in Europe and the US. In April, AI industry associations from seven European countries – Germany, Austria, Sweden, Croatia, Slovenia, the Netherlands, France and Bulgaria – wrote a letter to the Commission asking the EU internal market commissioner for funding to develop large AI models. The European Commission itself acknowledges that more funding programmes are needed as while the US and China cover 80% of investments in AI and blockchain technologies, Europe invests only 7%.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

After three issues devoted monographically to the first 100 days of Joe Biden‘s presidency, the EU NextGeneration recovery funds and China‘s new role in international relations, we resume the usual course of the Diari de les idees with the most relevant aspects of the last two weeks. We especially highlight the situation in the Middle East, with the change of government in Israel, the elections in the Islamic Republic of Iran and the first international tour of the new president of the United States, with special attention to the meetings of the G7, with the EU and with Vladimir Putin.\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":43306,"template":"","category_newspaper":[320],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-44824","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-320"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 45 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-45\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 45 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"After three issues devoted monographically to the first 100 days of Joe Biden‘s presidency, the EU NextGeneration recovery funds and China‘s new role in international relations, we resume the usual course of the Diari de les idees with the most relevant aspects of the last two weeks. 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