{"id":45646,"date":"2021-07-22T16:23:44","date_gmt":"2021-07-22T16:23:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-46\/"},"modified":"2021-07-27T09:03:21","modified_gmt":"2021-07-27T09:03:21","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-46","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-46\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 46"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

In this new issue of Diari de les idees<\/em> we stress the most relevant aspects of the US foreign policy undertaken by the Biden Administration and its repercussions in the struggle for hegemony with its two main rivals. China, which is currently celebrating the centenary of a Communist Party determined to export not only ideology but also methods of control and organisational structure. Moreover, Russia, which has just issued a new national security strategy that accentuates anti-Western rhetoric and a belligerent tone towards liberal democracies. On the Catalan domestic front, it is a matter of concern that, despite the pardons decreed by the government of Pedro S\u00e1nchez and a softening of the discourse, the repression of independence continues, now through the Court of Auditors, an institution without parallel in Europe.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Starting with the international scene, Hal Brands discusses in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> Joe Biden’s new foreign policy based on the conviction that the world has reached a turning point in which it will be determined whether the future will be marked by democratic or autocratic regimes. In his view, the three challenges facing democratic nations are the threat from authoritarian powers, notably China and Russia, which seek to undermine the existing international system because its liberal principles are antithetical to their domestic practices. The challenge posed by transnational problems to the effectiveness of democratic systems, as has happened with the COVID-19 pandemic. And the internal erosion of democracy itself, evident in the proliferation of anti-democratic sentiments and dissatisfaction with representative institutions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding the great rival of the United States in the struggle for hegemony, Jean-Louis Rocca points out in Le Monde Diplomatique<\/em><\/a> the gap that separates the party created by a few activists now a hundred years ago and that of President Xi Jinping, which now has more members than the entire population of Germany. He stresses that, from the beginning, the party has shown extraordinary flexibility, maintaining a constant goal: to restore China to greatness. Although it has never been confronted with real alternative proposals, if the social contract is not respected, if people stop hearing that their fate is tied to that of the Party and the nation, the second century of the CCP’s life may be very different. Maintaining national stability therefore means fostering growth, which can no longer depend on foreign capital and low-cost exports. The Party now depends on domestic demand, foreign investment and technological innovation – a kind of economic nationalism that partially conflicts with the interests of other dominant powers on the international stage.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the same journal, J\u00e9rome Doyon<\/a> also reflects on the current situation of the Chinese Communist Party and stresses that while in the past capitalists were banished and persecuted; now they are welcomed with open arms, provided they respect certain conditions and swear allegiance to an organisation that now has more executives than workers in its ranks. Moreover, while working for communism used to be one of the main reasons for joining the Party during the Maoist era, today’s motivations are more pragmatic: it is mainly a matter of facilitating professional advancement. On the other hand, through the proposed internal formations, the party presents itself as a neoliberal-inspired managerial structure, with the aim of effective management of the population and the economy. Increased control over the private sector is also in line with the Party’s hegemonic tendencies characteristic of the Xi era, through the increase in the number of grassroots organisations in enterprises. Ultimately, if China has renounced Maoist internationalism, the Communist Party now seeks to export its organisational structure and tools of control.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to the other major authoritarian threat, Gonzalo Aragon\u00e9s stresses in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a> Russia’s growing anti-Western rhetoric, accentuated by rising tensions on the Ukrainian border and opposition protests. This rhetoric has been reflected in the new national security strategy, ratified by President Vladimir Putin and made public in early June. In the document, Russia warns against cultural Westernisation, considers closer relations with China and India, and reserves the right to take symmetric and asymmetric measures against external hostile actions. In short, the Moscow regime argues that some countries are trying to instigate processes of disintegration in the CIS (made up of former Soviet republics) in order to destroy Russia’s ties with its traditional allies. Against this backdrop, the document states that Russia will develop cooperation with China, India, the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, Latin America and Africa.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

As we reported in the previous issue of Diari de les idees<\/em>, the Middle East is another major area of concern, especially since the increase in tension between Israel and Palestine because of the bombing of Gaza. In this context, Rashid Khalidi argues in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> that under the cover of changes in US foreign policy, it seems that both in the discourse of many international politicians and in media coverage a shift has taken place, and Israeli policies towards Palestine are beginning to be seen as colonialist in nature. Although the new Israeli government does not seem predisposed to cease abuses, Palestine is at a point where it could change the current status quo, as a system based on the supremacy of one ethnic group and the subordination of another is incompatible with the values of democracy and equality that prevail today.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, Sarah Glynn denounces in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a> that Turkey’s numerous incursions into Kurdistan in recent months have increased the likelihood of a region-wide civil war. While Turkey claims that its actions are aimed at creating a defensive zone against future insurgencies, others see Erdogan as engaging in ethnic cleansing in line with his new imperialist aspirations. Thus, if Turkey continues to break ceasefire agreements bombard the area and expel local populations, not only could a Kurdish civil war break out, but the resulting instability could affect the region for generations and fuel the growth of a new ISIS.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Catalonia, after the pardons, repression continues, now through the Court of Auditors. Carles Mund\u00f3 summarises in the newspaper Ara<\/em><\/a> prosecution in ten points. It is a court without judges, which is not part of the judiciary, whose members are appointed by an agreement between Congress and the Senate. Among the parties denouncing the case are political actors such as the Catalan Civil Society and Catalan Lawyers for the Constitution, although the law of the Court of Audit establishes that only representatives of the entities allegedly harmed can be part of the proceedings. On the other hand, the Court of Auditors generates a permanent defencelessness for those affected, with short deadlines to defend themselves, confusing documentation or appeals and allegations that they never love. The imposition of a millionaire’s bail at the beginning of the procedure, without any possibility of defending themselves, means that first they are condemned and then the trial takes place.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the same vein, Joan Ridao<\/a> The problem of the thousands of people under judicial accusation or with accounting liability proceedings before the Court of Auditors remains. Ridao considers, however, that there are some possible solutions, and one of them is amnesty. Certainly, this is a path that is anathematized, it is said to be unconstitutional, but pardons were also unfeasible and illegitimate a few months ago. It is therefore a question of political will. The Constitution does not explicitly mention amnesty and only indicates that it is up to the king to exercise the right of pardon. General pardons cannot be authorised, nor can the popular legislative initiative be exercised in these cases, nor can they be applied to cases of the criminal responsibility of the president and other members of the central government. However, this constitutional silence, combined with the prohibition of general pardons, has led some political and legal sectors to argue that the Constitution excludes amnesty, with the argument that, if the constitutional text prohibits at least a general pardon, there is all the more reason to prohibit amnesty. This prohibitionist interpretation has been challenged by numerous constitutionalists and criminal lawyers, who have defended its admissibility. The Constitutional Court itself has confirmed this by not questioning the actions of the legislator when it passed an amnesty law, affirming, moreover, that it must be understood as “a retroactive derogatory reason for some norms and the effects that are linked to them”. In short, the state can dictate favourable retroactive provisions (art. 9.3 SC), and this, together with the absence of an express prohibition, must permit an amnesty law. The raison d’\u00e9tat always finds formulas that fit within the rule of law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Likewise, Ignacio S\u00e1nchez-Cuenca<\/a> wonders what has happened to Spanish society over the last few years, because since Franco’s death, Spanish society had shown signs of tolerance in many areas. However, in contrast to this, a majority of Spaniards oppose pardons. If there is one area in which Spanish society has set aside its tolerance, it has been the Catalan territorial crisis. The author warns that, while these attitudes vary widely in intensity and are much more frequent among the population over 60 and, above all, among the right wing, they are also observed in a considerable part of the centrist and social democratic electorate. For the good future of the negotiations between the Spanish and Catalan governments, it is therefore urgent to deactivate the intransigent background that has taken root among a large part of the public. Moreover, the best way to do this is to put Spanish society in the mirror, appealing to its past tolerance.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the European level, Kalypso Nicola\u00efdis and Paul Magnette consider in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a> that the absence of clear EU leadership not only weakens the EU on the international stage, but also diminishes public understanding. The creation of the permanent EU Council presidency came into force with the Lisbon Treaty and was supposed to solve this problem, but in practice, it has only exacerbated it. First, by reducing the rotating presidency to a mere symbol, it undermines the EU’s dynamic of emulation among member states, and second, the emergence of a divided leadership between the Commission and the Council leads to tensions. For its part, the editorial of The Guardian<\/em><\/a> proposes a reflection on the future of the country with regard to England’s future political and constitutional relationship with the rest of the Union. One particular version of this reflection is taking place in Northern Ireland while the independence dynamic is gathering pace in Scotland and a third variant is developing in Wales. The editorial considers that, without a serious, calm and collective effort, the United Kingdom may well be heading for its own dissolution. In this context, it stresses that devolution, which works well in much of Europe, has been applied too unevenly and has become a vehicle for new resentments. Indeed, political and governance tensions exist not only between nations, but also within them: in England against London, in Scotland against centralisation and in Wales against the south.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Related to that, Eoin Drea analyzes in Politico<\/em><\/a> the impact of Brexit on the Republic of Ireland and its relations with the Northern counties and Great Britain. Ireland’s priorities in the Brexit negotiations with the UK were to maintain an open border between the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland and the continuation of the Common Travel Area. Currently, the Irish economy is dependent on the one hand on the EU and on the other hand on a commercial outlook based on British-influenced multinational investment. Dublin’s dependence on multinationals is visible in foreign direct investment, 58% of which comes from the US and 17% from the UK, while only 5% comes from Germany. Brexit has thus shown that even after a century of independence, Britain remains indispensable to Ireland’s stability.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In terms of democracy and equality, we cannot but highlight the Spanish government’s adoption of the so-called transgender law. The editorial of the magazine Contexto<\/em><\/a> argues that rarely has a project affecting a minority enjoyed such extensive media attention, nor such fierce opposition. On the other hand, a bill that traditionally received support from the left and centre, and opposition from the ultra-right, has this time sparked important debates within the feminist movement. Contexto hopes that the new law will be a victory for diversity and human rights, and that it will contain statements that can end up being effective tools in restoring equality and dignity for gays, lesbians, bisexuals and transsexuals or intersexuals. However, it also warns against concessions to a misleading equidistance that may end up abandoning another generation of transgender people to their fate.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Llu\u00eds Bassets reviews in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> the role of French philosophers in the culture wars and points out that France has always looked with suspicion and fascination at everything that comes from the United States. Now, the French government and part of the intellectual elite point to the US as the origin of concepts that are supposedly alien to their own culture and tradition. These approaches contribute to sowing discord between the French, and feed destructive ideologies. But the currents of thought coming from the US today, which politicians and intellectuals in France are wary of, have their origins in Foucault, Derrida and other French philosophers of the 1970s. This is particularly true of the theories of race and gender that have proliferated on the other side of the Atlantic in recent decades and have marked movements such as Black Lives Matter<\/em> and MeToo<\/em>. However, we should remember that Foucault’s thought was decisive in many of the culture wars that confronted liberals and neo-conservatives in the 1980s. In his writings, Foucault made few references to women or gender, but his treatment of the relations between power, body and sexuality aroused the interest of these groups. The new feminist theory (or at least a part of it) would not be comprehensible without these readings. Nor would queer theory. Ultimately, the words may be foreign, but the ideas, which excite some and irritate others, are less so than they seem. They have a distant origin in French Theory and the ideas of Foucault and Derrida, which, after passing through the USA, are now returning to France like a boomerang.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, Michel Gelfand analyses in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> the differences between “strict” countries, which do not tolerate deviance and generally follow the rules, and “permissive” countries, where individual creativity and freedom prevail, and which are more lax in following the rules. Drawing on the work of American anthropologist Pertti Pelto, he argues that cultures that tend to be more orderly, more distrustful and more disciplined have faced more frequent natural disasters, a higher prevalence of disease, greater resource scarcity, higher population density and territorial invasions. Still, he believes that the COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated the devastating effects on societies that do not follow strict rules when faced with a major threat. The pandemic can be seen as a dress rehearsal for future threats and a reminder of the importance of cultural intelligence. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to the economy, Alain Deneault clarifies in Le Monde Diplomatique<\/em><\/a> <\/em>the initial enthusiasm for the agreement reached at the last G7 summit on corporate taxation as being too dependent on Washington’s goodwill and that another US administration is very likely to back out in the future. In this sense, Thomas Piketty was right that the measure seems to enshrine a privileged tax regime for multinationals. By recognising the fact that multinationals will be able to continue to locate their profits in tax havens, with the single 15% tax rate, the G7 formalises entry into a world where the oligarchs pay structurally lower taxes than the rest of the population. However, if one takes into account the legal point of view rather than just tax revenues, Biden’s proposed measure constitutes a step forward and operates a decisive political change: it deprives multinationals of the fiction that placed them above the law. It confers on multinationals the status of subjects of law, whereas previously only their subsidiaries were considered legal entities by states. Technically, therefore, the G7 decision reduces the role of tax havens, as it will now be a matter of taxing the profits of multinationals, regardless of the identity of the subsidiary holding the funds or where it is based. In addition, Mark Scott and Emily Birnbaum point out in Politico<\/em><\/a> that despite the disagreements between the US government and Silicon Valley’s tech giants, they come to nothing when it comes to modernising the international tax system. In the negotiation with the OECD, the US and Silicon Valley have won a victory by reaching an agreement whereby all multinationals will be taxed wherever they do business, preventing the pact from being restricted to the technology sector. Consequently, this new agreement will not only affect companies such as Google, Facebook or Amazon, but also European companies such as Germany’s Volkswagen or the UK’s HSBC.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the area of sustainability, David Gauke warns in The New Statesman<\/em><\/a> that the fight against climate change has a cost and that politicians would have to be honest enough to reveal this to citizens. In this sense, creating jobs in order to reduce emissions is something that, even if popular, would have a very high cost in relation to very low productivity. If we really want to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050, we would have to invest in research into renewable energies, desalination processes, etc. It would also be necessary to change the population’s consumption behaviour, as the current model means that no matter how much industries reduce emissions, they continue to consume polluting products. Thus, if carbon consumption is to be reduced, its costs would have to be reflected in product prices, so that the market would provide incentives to reduce emissions. This policy will have costs for taxpayers and consumers, which is always very unpopular. Even so, such policies are necessary to achieve carbon neutrality and it will be essential for politicians to be honest and recognise that emissions reductions will have costs for everyone.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In a special dossier published by the magazine Politico<\/em><\/a> Karl Mathiesen also warns that in the near future the European Union will have to face the consequences of climate change: while Northern Europe will have to face floods and fires, the South will have to fight against droughts and a sharp decline in agriculture. The aim is to alert European society that while the effects of climate change will have a greater impact on other parts of the world that are less prepared, it will also have consequences that will affect millions of Europeans. For example, climate change has increased the risk of emerging infectious diseases by driving movements of new species, including disease vectors and reservoirs, into new human populations and vice versa, and the current coronavirus pandemic would be one of the most obvious effects.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, Mark Hertsgaard argues in The Guardian<\/em><\/a> that climate change has to be seen as a crime that has been committed against society for decades, a crime that has forced the displacement of millions of people around the world, caused millions of dollars in economic damage and devastated entire ecosystems. While the phenomenon threatens mostly young people and endangers our civilisation, climate criminals remain at large perpetuating 40 years of climate change lies by fossil fuel companies. Internal research by companies such as Exxon, Chevron, Shell and BP has long since revealed the catastrophic environmental impact of their products, but they have chosen to hush it up. From the 1990s onwards, oil companies spent millions of dollars on public relations campaigns to confuse the press, the public and policy makers about the dangers of fossil fuels. While these lost 40 years cannot be made up, all energies must now be focused to move rich and poor countries alike away from fossil fuels in favour of renewable energy and other climate-sustainable practices, and to strengthen communities against the terrible climate impacts that can no longer be avoided.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in the field of new technologies, Jonathan Zittrain analyses in The Atlantic<\/em><\/a> the transience of data on today’s Internet. At the time of its genesis, its creators created it as a decentralised system of connecting servers where anyone who participated could upload their own content. There has been a tendency to think of the Internet as a library, due to the sheer quantity of documents and information that is stored. As it is not a centralised system, this information is not indexed, although thanks to search engines it is possible to search for it and find links to the desired information. However, unlike in a library, information on the Internet is very malleable and the content of links can easily change or even disappear, a phenomenon known as “link rot”. Since 1990, more than 50% of the links related to court cases no longer exist and, in the case of the press, 25% of the links in articles in The New York Times no longer exist. Despite the fickleness of online information, storing it online is much less expensive than storing it on paper, thus marginalising physical publication. The digital format also facilitates ad hoc editing of texts, making it possible to update quickly an e-book in order to modify and\/or delete some of its content. Over time, initiatives have emerged to try to combat this transience, such as the Wayback Machine, which stores copies of websites for consultation, even if they have been deleted, or Perma, a system whereby authors and publishers can establish a link that remains permanently searchable online.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meanwhile, Emmanuel Rimbaud highlights in Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> that the growing importance of the discourse on digital sovereignty in the European debate has led to the emergence of digital politicisation. To understand this, the author points out that we need to move away from traditional oppositions between states and digital industry giants. In this context, the lack of conceptual precision lends itself to criticism aimed squarely at Europe. Some question whether digital sovereignty is anything more than a label that encompasses all the problems arising from Europe’s relative disadvantage in the digital domain. Against the defenders of the status quo who argue that Big Tech has achieved its dominance through innovation, that consumers and businesses choose to use its services because of their quality, and that therefore these companies do not deserve the criticism directed at them, it is a question of defining a digital system that challenges this situation. Thinking about digital sovereignty from the point of view of citizens therefore opens up the possibility of discovering oppositions of interests and values other than those of the digital giants and their home states. It is also an opportunity to start a debate about the digital space and give us the possibility to exercise stronger democratic control over the direction and shape it will take in the future.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To conclude, Josep Domingo warns in the daily newspaper Ara<\/em><\/a> that despite the ratification of the holding of the Mobile World Congress in Barcelona, Catalonia’s decline as a regional economic power persists. Specifically, Catalonia ranks in the 7th category of the European Commission’s classification of innovative regions. This category, which corresponds to that of “moderate innovator”, contrasts with the situation in other Spanish regions such as Madrid and the Basque Country, which have moved up to the “advanced innovator” category. Experts agree that Catalonia’s situation is due to the limited presence of SMEs or public-private investment companies in the regional market. However, what is the solution to this phenomenon? First, there is a need to invest heavily in order to retain and avoid a brain drain. It is also true that the Next Generation recovery fund will not be enough and will require even more investment in R&D centres. It will also be important to try to reduce the fiscal deficit and stimulate the economy with more attractive fiscal policies. Finally, it will also be essential to improve collaboration between training and business, as the current model shows clear shortcomings.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

In this new issue of Diari de les idees we stress the most relevant aspects of the US foreign policy undertaken by the Biden Administration and its repercussions in the struggle for hegemony with its two main rivals. China, which is currently celebrating the centenary of a Communist Party determined to export not only ideology but also methods of control and organisational structure. Moreover, Russia, which has just issued a new national security strategy that accentuates anti-Western rhetoric and a belligerent tone towards liberal democracies. On the Catalan domestic front, it is a matter of concern that, despite the pardons\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":77128,"template":"","category_newspaper":[320],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-45646","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-320"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 46 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-46\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 46 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"In this new issue of Diari de les idees we stress the most relevant aspects of the US foreign policy undertaken by the Biden Administration and its repercussions in the struggle for hegemony with its two main rivals. 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