{"id":47712,"date":"2021-10-21T06:14:25","date_gmt":"2021-10-21T06:14:25","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-49\/"},"modified":"2021-11-03T07:30:34","modified_gmt":"2021-11-03T07:30:34","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-49","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-49\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 49"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Once again, Diari de les idees<\/em> offers you an analysis of the major issues that mark the current reality: the growing tension between China and Taiwan, a region that has already become one of the main geopolitical scenarios of our time; the European initiatives to increase its strategic autonomy in defence and to counter the illiberal policies of some of its member states; the threat posed by the scarcity of raw materials and the exorbitant price of energy amid the post-pandemic recovery; or the environmental challenges arising from the growing digitalization of our societies and the failure of the policies applied so far to deal with the climate emergency.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Along these lines, the newspaper Le Monde<\/em><\/a> expresses in its editorial the concern about the increased tension between China and Taiwan. Regarded for a long time as a regional dispute of medium intensity, the Taiwan affair has become the focus of concern from Washington to Brussels going through Tokyo and Canberra. Never since the 1995-1996 crisis, which led to a show of strength between China and the United States, has the Chinese threat been so straightforward. In this respect, it seems that Kabul\u2019s fall, interpreted as a new proof of the American power\u2019s decline, has strongly encouraged the Chinese government. On the other hand, James Palmer argues in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that the increasing Chinese incursions into Taiwan’s airspace serve multiple purposes, from demonstrating its coercive power to testing the resilience of Taiwanese pilots. The Chinese strategy based on escalating tension must be understood as a response to the support that Taiwan has recently received; in a direct way by opening an unofficial Taiwanese embassy in Lithuania, or even indirectly via the AUKUS alliance between the United States, Australia and the United Kingdom. In addition, Chinese manoeuvres must also be interpreted as part of a domestic policy, bearing in mind that Taiwan remains the big taboo in the country and more importantly, that every Taiwanese diplomatic success creates the need for scapegoats in Beijing. Likewise, the Chinese strategy is part of President Xi policy aiming at asserting the Party\u2019s power over society and the business world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The current world scenario is shaped by the readjustment and reorientation of the main powers\u2019 geostrategic priorities. Jos\u00e9 Pedro Teixeira comments in the newspaper P\u00fablico<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that the new security alliances, such as the aforementioned AUKUS, and strategic partnerships, like the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, are the first steps towards creating a new global security architecture in line with the interests of the United States. Therefore, given the economic, political and military importance of the Indo-Pacific, the great powers will have a decisive role to play in this region in order to achieve or maintain a global influence in the new world order to come. For that matter, the French, British and Germans are also trying to reposition themselves in the Indo-Pacific area, as well as the European Union, but the task is not easy, as evidenced by the failed sale of French submarines to Australia.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Further, another region with highly disruptive potential is Latin America. Ryan C. Berg and Lauri T\u00e4htinen reflect in Foreign Affairs<\/em><\/a> on the crisis of democracy across the continent. Twenty years after the signing of the Inter-American Democratic Charter by the 34 members of the Organization of American States (OAS), the poor condition of region\u2019s democracies does not reflect the optimism of 2001 nor the principles of goodwill collected in the charter. On the contrary, a sense of democratic fatigue has set in and support for democracy is at an all-time low in many countries of the region. In recent years, while remaining democracies have been losing weight and influence, there has been a resurgence of both Bolivarian-type anti-democratic movements and right-wing populisms in Latin America and the Caribbean. Therefore, initiatives to reduce the polarization, as well as conflict and violence, which are responsible of tilting the playing field towards authoritarianism, should be encouraged. The authors propose to engage in alarm systems capable of detecting the dangers before it is too late to rebuild democratic norms and institutions; for example, by monitoring social media bearing in mind that tomorrow\u2019s populist agenda circulates today under the form of misinformation and fake news<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, Xavier Aldekoa considers in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a> the role that the African continent can play in the current global geopolitical context. Two decades of sustained economic and political progress have led to remarkable improvements in the lives of many inhabitants while managing to change the narrative of Africa as a land devoid of hope. Nevertheless, new challenges are continuously arising. The continent is now experiencing a moment of unrest due to the impact of the pandemic, as well as a growing political instability and the price decline of raw materials. Even though at the health level \u2013 South Africa aside \u2013 the pandemic has not been fierce with its population, the economic impact of border closures and the paralysis of trade as well as tourism have severely hit the continent \u2013 as 80% of exports, half of which are raw materials, are destined to the rest of the world. Even so, despite the distortion caused by the pandemic, the continent has experienced giant improvements in sectors such as health or education. Advances in health, hygiene and nutrition have enabled unprecedented population growth: from 287 million in 1960, it has risen to 1.3 billion, a figure that will triple by the end of the century. At the same time, the enhancement of the education sector has crystallized into increasingly educated new generations. If in 1970, primary school enrolment figures were just 52%, they are now 98% according to the United Nations and the World Bank. In addition, today\u2019s African youth are increasingly connected online: 90,000 new users are accessing the internet for the first time every day. Besides, every year 20 million Africans enter the job market and it is estimated that in ten years half of the people taken in by the global labour market will come from sub-Saharan Africa. As a result, the African continent is today a key player on the world stage. For two decades, China has been increasing its connections and influence in Africa, multiplying trade by 20 and becoming its main trading partner. Yet, more and more countries want to increase their investment and presence in the continent, such as India, Russia, Brazil, Turkey and the Arab countries.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Concerning Catalan politics, Josep Casulleras in Vilaweb<\/em><\/a> reflects on the repeated failures of the Spanish judiciary in its attempts to obtain the extradition of Carles Puigdemont. This situation of deadlock reveals the open wound between the executive and the judiciary, which is another symptom of the state crisis generated by Europe\u2019s impossibility to manage the sanctions against the First of October in a coordinated and comparable way. For that matter, the factor of exile has accelerated the planned and foreseeable disavowal outside Spain, as it has been demonstrated by the absolute dissonance with respect to the various European jurisdictions that have systematically rejected all Euro orders. The final blow against the ruling of the Supreme Court – which is now two years old – might come from the Strasbourg Court, but it is possible that the Court of Justice of the EU presents an earlier resolution. Actually, the CJEU is dealing with several open cases in relation to the exiles, the immunity of MEPs and the criteria for rejecting Euro orders. The key element of the dispute is whether the Spanish Supreme Court is the competent tribunal to request their extradition, as it may be considered not the suitable court to try them or to request the waiver of their immunity. Ultimately, if the CJEU upholds this theory, it would be a severe blow to the judicial crackdown that culminated in the ruling of October 14th<\/sup>, 2017.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Further, in the pages of El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a>, Ignacio S\u00e1nchez-Cuenca argues that the resumption of dialogue between the governments of Spain and Catalonia presents the country with a second chance after the major failure in 2017. According to the author, by allowing the Catalan crisis to rot, Mariano Rajoy led Spain to the deepest constitutional crisis since Franco’s death. Instead of seeking a negotiated solution to the conflict, the central government, with the complicity of the rest of the state (monarchy, judiciary and security forces), opted for a response based on repression and at the same time went for the judicialization of the problem. While other developed countries, when seen in similar circumstances, have managed to avoid open confrontation, it is possible to understand the Spanish crisis if we consider some specific features of the political liberalism that inspires the democratic system in Spain. Spanish liberalism, like the French one, is characterized by placing equality before the law at the centre of the political system. The law, as an expression of the sovereign will of the nation, is binding on all citizens. Democracy as equality before the law may not pose serious problems in countries with high uniformity such as France, but it becomes dysfunctional in multinational countries such as Spain, where the composition of the demos<\/em> is not closed. Taking into account the pluralistic character of Spain, it is worth noting that the country has not been endowed with institutional instruments or a political culture with the capacity to address and resolve a crisis of the demos<\/em>. The mismatch between Spanish liberalism and the multinational reality largely explains the recurring territorial crises that shake the state.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Europe, one of the issues that will mark the coming months is the strategic autonomy in defence. Riccardo Perissich discusses in Le Grand Continent<\/em><\/a> how to build an operational consensus among Europeans able to overcome the current differences and opposed perspectives on strategic autonomy. For that matter, it is important to stress the desire of the new US administration to re-prioritize U.S. foreign policy and its partial disengagement as the world’s police, especially in the Middle East. The relationship between Europe and the United States is complicated, as most Europeans are constantly oscillating between resentment and fear of breaking away from such a powerful ally. Therefore, the consequences of any decision by the EU concerning its link to the US can be critical. With regard to European strategic autonomy, it is not certain that moving away from the United States will translate into a greater willingness to take on more responsibilities on the part of Europe. On the contrary, it might reduce the already low willingness of most European countries to put themselves at risk. In short, the redefinition of transatlantic relations requires a real effort of coordination and reciprocal consultations among allies. The start of Biden’s presidency had given hope of a new beginning, but recent events such as the withdrawal from Afghanistan and the crisis around the AUKUS alliance have opened a big question mark over the future of their relations in matters of defence.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Another highlight concerning Europe is the threats to democracy and the rule of law posed by the policies of some member states such as Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic. Thus, The Guardian<\/em><\/a> editorial warns that the decision of the Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki to question the compatibility of EU law with the country’s constitution has far-reaching implications. Consequently, European leaders must now find a way to respond forcefully but without taking any actions that could provoke Poland’s ultranationalist politicians. It is likely, therefore, that the European Commission will decide to carry on with curbing the transfer of money from the recovery fund, as any attempt to suspend Poland’s voting rights in the EU requires unanimity, which is impossible to reach as long as Hungary continues to oppose it. In the same vein, Paul Taylor points out in Politico<\/em><\/a> that these events illustrate the importance of independent prosecutors and judges. If anyone in Europe doubted why the rule of law matters, the European policy of recent weeks offers many examples. A clear and enforceable legal order is vital to hold governments and powerful private interests accountable and to assure citizens that the law will be applied equitably, weather at European or national level. Thanks to independent prosecutors and courts \u2013 and contrary to what is happening in Poland \u2013, Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz has had to resign. EU law offers citizens as well as foreign investors the best protection against arbitrary rules, corruption and the confiscation of power or property. If national courts such as the one in Poland consider annulling the action of the CJEU, what will prevent others from invalidating EU law on issues such as the free movement of people or goods in the single market, or even the monetary resources of the European Central Bank?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

According to Justin Esarey\u2019s article in The Atlantic<\/em><\/a>, democracy has so far withstood the intense and stressful test of the COVID-19 pandemic. Although during the pandemic the thesis with greater support was that authoritarian governments are much more effective than democracies in times of crisis, the data provided reveal something different. So for example, democracies are on average comparable or slightly better than autocratic regimes in terms of the percentage of vaccinated population. In fact, while it may come as a surprise to many, democracies have proven to be more efficient in many aspects of this crisis, including the initial containment of the spread and the compliance with measures to limit its transmission. Likewise, the results of democracies in the prevention of deaths from COVID-19 are also better. It is understandable that citizens want a fast, unified and determined policy capable of fighting COVID-19 and ending the health restrictions. However, before embracing authoritarianism in the name of effectiveness, democracies should face criticism for their vaccination campaigns precisely because they have cultures of open discussion and free media. In addition, most importantly, when it comes to developing and administering life-saving vaccines that can stop the virus, democratic governance has proven to work adequately.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Nonetheless, Casey Michel declares in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> <\/em>that leaks such as the Pandora Papers<\/em> expose the weaknesses of democratic systems, as they reveal the role played by major Western countries \u2013 including the United States, the United Kingdom, Canada, France and Germany \u2013, in the fraudulent transfer by dictators and autocrats of huge amounts of capital to tax havens. Repeatedly, democratic leaders have set aside any pretence of working for the interest of democracy and instead have created a whole network of ex-leaders who advise fraudsters; while consultants, lobbyists and lawyers work to ensure that no regulation affects these transnational financial flows. In short, the tools available to financial secrecy \u2014 anonymous protection companies and anonymous trusts, as well as businesses created on anonymous finances without any regulatory oversight \u2014 allow oligarchs to continue plundering as much wealth as they want, destabilizing entire regions and funding their illiberal policies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In the economic field, the current situation is marked by the increase in electricity and gas prices as well as the scarcity of raw materials. On this matter, The Economist<\/em><\/a> highlights the parallels\/similarities and differences with the crisis of the 1970s when OPEC countries imposed an oil embargo on the United States, thus turning inflation into a prolonged period of high prices and economic regression. Economists now recall the stagflation of the 1970s as they detect rising inflation coupled with stagnant economic activity. A possible analogy with the 1970s stems from the fact that the world economy is once again facing serious disruptions in energy and food prices. World food prices have risen about a third in the past year while gas and coal prices approach record levels in Asia and Europe. Stocks of both fuels are very low in large economies such as China and India. Rising energy costs will put increasing pressure on inflation and further darken the economic climate\/outlook around the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Regarding the climate emergency, a de-growth strategy will not be enough to stop the chain of ecological disasters according to what G\u00e9rard Horny explains in Slate<\/em><\/a> magazine. Indeed, a change of climate, ocean pollution and declining biodiversity are increasingly evident manifestations. The simple reasoning is to say growth is energy; energy generates C02 in more or less amount depending on the source; therefore, in order to curb emissions and stop producing more CO2 than the planet can absorb, growth must be slowed down or even stopped. Yet de-growth is not necessarily a valid solution everywhere nor does it have the same meaning for everyone. Clearly, there is an urgent need to change our patterns of production and consumption and adopt a less predatory behaviour towards nature, but then again, change cannot take the same forms for all countries and all social categories. It is important to recall that if the fight against climate change is done at the expense of improving the material conditions of the population, political ecology will end up being completely unattractive.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, Adam Ramsey warns in Open Democracy<\/em><\/a> of the danger of being dazzled by the authoritarian path initiated by China in the fight against climate change. A year ago, President Xi pledged to reach the peak of carbon emissions by 2030 and then achieve carbon neutrality before 2060. With this purpose in mind, the country launched an emissions control program in early 2021 that will regulate 2,200 companies in the electricity sector, responsible for 40% of China\u2019s emissions. At the same time, China is adapting its 14th Five-Year Plan to its strategy to achieve the carbon reduction targets. This includes a commitment to reduce by 65% the amount of carbon produced per kilowatt-hour of electricity by 2030. The authoritarian system of Chinese state capitalism facilitates achieving the proposals set out by the government. Yet it should not be omitted, that the very regime that is reducing carbon emissions in its attempt to collaborate against climate change, is also committing genocide against the Uyghur population, not to mention the violations of freedom of expression in Hong Kong or the threats to Taiwan. As China has shown that there is an authoritarian way to fight the climate crisis (in case it reaches its targets), the West is called to prove that the democratic system can also be the path.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, in relation to new technologies, Guillaume Pitron points out in Le Monde Diplomatique<\/em><\/a> the impact that growing digitalisation of our societies has on the climate. For a long time, the idea that the digital industry was clean because it was immaterial had been dominant. Unlike the oil and automobile giants, Silicon Valley seemed to be an ally against global warming. Yet this illusion is dissipating. A survey conducted on several continents reveals the exorbitant environmental cost of the high-tech sector. Indeed, the global digital industry consumes so much water, materials and energy that its climate footprint is three times that of a country like France or the United Kingdom. Digital technologies currently consume 10% of the world\u2019s electricity production and emit almost 4% of global carbon dioxide emissions, slightly less than double that of the world\u2019s civil aviation sector. Digital technologies also use a large number of metals, including some rare ones that are difficult to extract: a 2-kilogram computer needs, among other things, 22 kilograms of chemicals, 240 kilograms of fuel and 1.5 tons of clean water. Therefore, it must be borne in mind that digital technology as it is currently developed has not, for the most part, been put at the service of the planet and the climate. On the contrary, high-tech is paradoxically a factor that, more than others, will project us to the physical and biological limits of our common home planet.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Once again, Diari de les idees offers you an analysis of the major issues that mark the current reality: the growing tension between China and Taiwan, a region that has already become one of the main geopolitical scenarios of our time; the European initiatives to increase its strategic autonomy in defence and to counter the illiberal policies of some of its member states; the threat posed by the scarcity of raw materials and the exorbitant price of energy amid the post-pandemic recovery; or the environmental challenges arising from the growing digitalization of our societies and the failure of the policies\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":47604,"template":"","category_newspaper":[320],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-47712","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-320"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees 49 – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-49\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees 49 – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Once again, Diari de les idees offers you an analysis of the major issues that mark the current reality: the growing tension between China and Taiwan, a region that has already become one of the main geopolitical scenarios of our time; 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