{"id":52891,"date":"2022-01-20T07:53:58","date_gmt":"2022-01-20T07:53:58","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-53\/"},"modified":"2022-01-24T11:13:23","modified_gmt":"2022-01-24T11:13:23","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-53","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-53\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees 53"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

The beginning of the year is marked by political and economic tensions affecting the EU’s eastern border. Rising tensions in Bosnia, with Republika Srpska’s Prime Minister Milorad Dodik underlining the goal of building his own state, the game being played between Russia and NATO\/US in Ukraine, Russian intervention in Kazakhstan, changes in Russian gas supplies in Europe. Moreover, new agreements signed between Albania, North Macedonia and Serbia to create a free movement zone are all indications that tensions are rising. The Russian intervention in Kazakhstan, the changes in Russian gas supplies to Europe and the new agreements signed between Albania, North Macedonia and Serbia to create a free movement zone are all indications that geostrategic reordering dynamics are taking place in the region, with destabilising effects for the EU and a deterioration of its relations with the US\/NATO. Moreover, China is no stranger to these tensions, always alert to changes that could increase its influence and power on the global stage. Consequently, the Diari de les idees<\/em> devotes significant space to them in its first issue of the year.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In Foreign Affairs<\/a>, <\/em>Alexander Cooley and Daniel H. Nexon point out that for decades the West has assumed that the lowering of international political and economic barriers would facilitate the spread of liberalism, yet the current order has been used by illiberal regimes to increase and propagate their authoritarianism. In their favour is the fact that such governments can undermine the influence of civil society, as well as control economic flows and the internet much more effectively than liberal democracies. Ultimately, the victory of liberalism no longer seems so evident at the global level, so that the big question is no longer whether the liberal order will change, but under what conditions it will change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is within this general framework of the crisis of the liberal model that the events we have just outlined are taking place and threaten to destabilise the international order and especially the European Union. Andrea Rizzi argues in El Pa\u00eds<\/em><\/a> that three decades after the end of the Cold War, Europe is once again one of the main battlegrounds in the struggle to define the world order where both Russia and China seek to assert their interests and reduce Western hegemony. In the words of Russia’s envoy to the OSCE Vladimir Lukin a few days ago, a real ‘moment of truth’ is taking shape because Moscow has this time taken the challenge to an unprecedented extreme, both in setting maximalist demands in terms of insurmountable red lines and in its military deployment on the Ukrainian border. Meanwhile, albeit more indirectly, Beijing is also having an influence, posing momentous challenges and dilemmas for Europeans, as the crisis with Lithuania over Taiwan’s status demonstrates. In this regard, Michael Schuman argues in The Atlantic<\/em><\/a> that Joe Biden’s handling of the crisis with Russia may be a good indicator to Xi Jinping of how determined the US would be to defend Taiwan against Chinese aggression. How Xi interprets the outcome of the Russia-Ukraine standoff could influence attempts at forced reunification with Taiwan and thus have major implications for security and stability in East Asia. Ultimately, this “moment of truth” tests many of the actors involved. First, Russia has to decide how far to take its defiance. Second, the EU, which must try to maintain a united response, both with respect to negotiations and possible sanctions, and which faces an urgent reconsideration of its place in the world. Indeed, in the face of this new crisis, it is necessary to consider to what extent it is feasible to build strategic autonomy, its own voice and even European integration in defence matters. Finally, the United States must also consider how far it can become involved in Europe when its absolute priority is China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This crisis, however, goes beyond strictly geopolitical boundaries insofar as it is also rooted in the struggle for economic hegemony. Thus, in another article<\/a> underlines that gas supplies to Europe are one of the key elements of the crisis between Russia and the West. The countries of the Old Continent are highly dependent on Russian fuel, and Moscow is therefore in a position to use this tool of pressure, aggravating a situation defined by skyrocketing energy prices. In recent weeks, however, a new factor has burst onto the scene, which, while not changing the scenario structurally, does have a considerable impact: exports of liquefied natural gas (LNG) from the US have skyrocketed. Until just six years ago, the world’s leading power did not distribute a single cubic metre of gas to international markets, but recently it has managed to increase its production so much that it is already emerging as the world’s leading exporter ahead of Qatar and Australia. The emergence of the US into the European gas equation is good news for a continent that depends on its always-unstable relationship with Russia. However, this increase in LNG exports from the United States is not enough to solve the European situation, as it is not a structural solution insofar as the volume of gas imports from Russia is so significant that these imports alone cannot correct this dynamic.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, Mas de Xax\u00e0s highlights in La Vanguardia<\/em><\/a> that if a few years ago, the alliance between China and Russia seemed unnatural, today it is the main threat facing the United States and the European Union. This union of interests surged from the economic sanctions imposed on Russia following the annexation of Crimea in 2014. Since then, Europe’s weight in Russia’s economy and finances has fallen and China’s has risen, and even Russian gas, which as we have said is so badly needed by European industries and consumers, is increasingly dependent on Beijing’s say-so. For example, the pipeline supplying gas to Europe from the Yamal peninsula in western Siberia has been running in reverse since 21 December: gas has been leaving Germany and heading back to Russia, a commercial strategy used by Gazprom to manipulate energy prices in Europe. The same Yamal fields are expected to supply gas from Russia to China via Mongolia. Gazprom will bear the cost of these new infrastructures because it calculates that they will represent a business of 400 billion dollars over the next 30 years. Thus, in three years’ time, China will be the main consumer of Russian gas, ahead of Germany. And although Europe will continue to be Russia’s main trading and financial partner for the next few years, its economic weight is steadily declining, as both investment and the weight of European companies in Russia’s foreign trade falls, a place that China is now poised to take over. For example, China accounted for 10.5 per cent of Russia’s foreign trade in 2013. By 2020, it had almost doubled this share to 18.3 per cent and has continued to gain ground since then. Europe has gone from 49.4% to 38.5% in the same period. On the other hand, Russia is also the country in the world that has received the most loans from China. Between 2000 and 2017, these loans amounted to 151.8 billion dollars, according to a study<\/a> of the William and Mary University.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Casey Mitchel analyzes in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a> the Russian intervention to end the unrest in Kazakhstan and believes that troops from the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO), a Russian-led military alliance, may result in the fracturing of the Kazakh state. There is actually a possibility that a revenge-seeking Russia will use internal instability as a pretext to seize a strip of northern Kazakhstan that Russian nationalists have long coveted and that the Russian populations in the region have long dreamed of separating from the country. Indeed, while the main focus of irredentism has been in Ukraine, where Moscow annexed Crimea and is now again playing with the territories it indirectly occupies in the east of the country, Russian nationalists have never hidden the fact that they consider significant parts of northern Kazakhstan to belong to Russia and that the Russia-Kazakhstan border should be open for discussion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

From a broader perspective, Alexis Rodr\u00edguez-Rata<\/a> analyses the new geopolitical world map being drawn in the Arctic region. During the Cold War, the conflict between the two global powers was considered as a face-off between East and West, although both powers had a physical border, stretching hundreds of kilometres between Alaska and Siberia with the Bering Strait as the point of collision. While this situation has rarely been the focus of attention, today the struggle between the two powers over the poles is growing. Particularly in the Arctic. Seeing a map with all the military bases located on its borders is quite enlightening: Russia, Denmark (in Greenland), Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Russia, Canada and the US all have bases there. All of these countries are also members of the Arctic Council, which is increasingly focusing its discussions on security and defence issues. This means that the drawing of the world map is – once again – reminiscent of that of the Cold War, now incorporating China, which defines itself as an “Arctic neighbouring state”. Although at present the tensions and discussions are economic in nature, in the short to medium term they will begin to have political consequences. With the melting and receding Arctic sea ice, issues such as traffic problems in the Suez Canal, the delicate balances in the South China Sea (essential for international trade), and even the tension over Beijing’s sovereignty over Taiwan, will only increase interest in controlling these waters. First, as an alternative maritime route for shipping companies, because it cuts navigation time (from Shanghai to Rotterdam via the Northeast Arctic passage there are 10,500 kilometres that can be covered in 22 days; via Suez there are some 18,000 kilometres and 37 days), reduces costs, and fewer countries and hotspots of the planet are crossed. Its dominance in a world where more than 90% of trade in goods is by sea is therefore central. To this must be added the well-known energy wealth of its waters, considered to be among the largest in the world. Above all, gas, both the known reserves (24.3%) and those yet to be discovered. In addition, the area also has numerous mineral resources. In short, the Arctic, a vast territory with the lowest population density in the world (some four million inhabitants), is already reorienting the geopolitical map of the world.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the Catalan political scene, David Gonzalez reviews in El Nacional<\/em><\/a> some of the open political fronts whose outcome will define the map for the years to come. Of particular note are the decisions to be taken by the European courts on the Catalan pro-independence exile, led by President Carles Puigdemont. On the one hand, whether or not the General Court of the European Union will confirm Puigdemont and Com\u00edn’s status as MEPs against the European Parliament’s initial veto. On the other hand, the response of the Court of Justice of the European Union to the preliminary rulings of the Supreme Court judge Pablo Llarena on the Euro-orders. What is at stake is the pre-eminence or otherwise of the European courts over those of the member states, in other words, one of the pillars underpinning the Union. It is obvious that the CJEU’s decision could change many things, since, in the author’s opinion, in the sphere of the strategic discussion of independence, the European decision will also have a great influence on whether the reasoning goes to ERC’s pragmatism or to the intelligent confrontation advocated by Junts. The other battle of 2022 involves the alternative to a rebuilding of independentism, a chapter in which Salvador Illa’s PSC is the main actor. The socialists need to play in several scenarios at the same time in order to postulate themselves as the possible core of a non-independence government in 2023. This means practising extreme centrality, which is, squeezing the maximum out of the multi-pact line. In this way, the PSC could come to an understanding with the pro-independence movement, not only in Parliament – as has already happened with the renewal of the expired institutional bodies, CCMA, CAC, etc. – but also in the city councils after the next municipal elections. In addition, at the same time, to keep its distance, sacrificing if necessary the PSC’s historic commitment to linguistic immersion, so as not to lose ground in the pro-Spanish camp.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

With regard to Spanish politics, Ignacio S\u00e1nchez-Cuenca argues in CTXT<\/em><\/a> that the state’s coalition government faces unfavourable conditions. The author argues that the source of its difficulties lies in the fact that the coalition was forged too late, when the most exclusionary and reactionary Spanish nationalism had already taken hold electorally. If the left had united in 2015, he believes that the disaster of the Catalan crisis of 2017 would most likely have been avoided and Vox would have had more difficulties to grow electorally. To all this must be added the economic and national trauma that Spanish pride has suffered since 2008 and which has set the conditions for the success of the extreme right. Spain was one of the countries that suffered the most during the crisis and entered an introspective and pessimistic phase. In a short time, the Catalan crisis of 2017 was added to this, which many in Spain experienced as a humiliation. As a result, ideological and national attitudes have gradually shifted over the 2010-20 decade, and a large part of Spanish society has evolved towards conservatism and Spanish nationalist claims.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On a European level, Paul Taylor is voluntarily optimistic and argues in Politico<\/em><\/a> that the new political elements that have emerged since the change of government in Germany offer the prospect of innovative solutions to the EU’s problems. First, after years of sterile confrontations over EU fiscal rules, which were suspended at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, a consensus is emerging that, to avoid slowing down the recovery, budgetary discipline regulations have to be changed before they come into force in 2023. According to the French finance Minister Bruno Lemaire and president of ECOFIN during the first half of the year, the current European rules on public debt are obsolete. Second, after a year of stalemate with former German chancellor Angela Merkel on the verge of stepping down and the French president distracted by his candidacy for re-election in April 2022, the EU can expect a more assertive Franco-German leadership from May onwards. Third, the new German government has also made clear that it will be less lenient in dealing with Polish and Hungarian attempts to undermine the independence of the judiciary, limit media freedom and civil rights, and reject the primacy of EU law over national legislation. Fourth, during 2022 the EU and NATO are expected to renew their strategic doctrines: the EU is poised to adopt its first common threat analysis and define its level of military ambition in a new bid for strategic autonomy. Finally, the departure of Lord David Frost as Brexit negotiator raises hopes for an improvement in EU-UK relations, as Prime Minister Boris Johnson needs a solution to the Northern Ireland trade problem created by the protocol Frost negotiated in 2020, creating a customs border in the Irish Sea.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

These are delicate times for democracy, which is also reflected in the global human rights situation. The increasing persecution of dissidents in China, Russia, Venezuela and Nicaragua, the collapse of fragile democracies in Burma and Sudan, and the autocratic turns in the governments of Brazil, Hungary and El Salvador are some of the trends denounced in the latest Human Rights Watch World\u00a0report<\/a>. The document also highlights the deterioration of freedoms in countries such as Turkey, Thailand and Egypt, “undemocratic” transfers of power in Tunisia and Chad, and worrying abuses in the Philippines and India. HRW denounces China’s attack on the last bastions of freedom in Hong Kong and deplores the UN’s refusal to condemn openly China for crimes against humanity committed against the Uighur Muslim minority in Xinjiang. The report also warns of abuses in already fragile electoral systems such as in Russia, where opposition leader Alexei Navalny was sentenced to prison after surviving a poisoning attempt, or in Nicaragua, where all of Daniel Ortega’s rival candidates were arrested before last November’s elections. Finally, the report points out that the defence of human rights requires not only combating repression by dictatorships, but also improving political leadership in democracies, and is highly critical of their weak response to challenges such as climate change, poverty or the potential threats posed by new technologies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The World Economic Forum also warns that the effects of climate change, social divisions, infectious diseases and mental health will need to be closely monitored over the next two years. Its latest report<\/a> on global challenges published a few days ago shows that whereas last year the health situation was the top short-term concern, warnings are now focused on the climate crisis and social problems, as well as new risks: mental health, debt crises and asset bubbles. Evidence of the growing global importance of mental health is that it appears in sixth place in the top 10 global risks, when in previous years it was not even mentioned. At the same time, the bursting of the asset bubble (excessive inflation of house or share prices) also reappears on the list of medium-term concerns. In this regard, the paper also notes that most experts believe that the global economic recovery will be volatile and uneven over the next three years, as economic and health shocks are aggravating social divisions. However, beyond all that, what this medium- to long-term view makes clear is that the main risks are climate change-related problems. The report points to the current failure of climate action and warns that extreme weather events, biodiversity loss, natural resource crises and environmental impacts are the biggest risks in five to ten years’ time.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The climate crisis is worsening and poses a number of environmental, social and economic challenges. In Le Monde Diplomatique<\/em><\/a> Aur\u00e9lien Bernier argues in relation to the unchecked escalation of energy prices that historically, European policy makers believed that competition would reduce gas and electricity prices, to the benefit of households and businesses, but since the early 2000s, the opposite has been the case. While the chaotic recovery of an economy damaged by the pandemic explains the origin of the current price increase, deregulation is generating an even more worrying structural increase as governments have sacrificed their regulatory capacity for the benefit of European competition. In this context, the only thing left is the energy tax that Italy, Spain and Portugal have reduced to try to contain the rise in bills. In France, the government is implementing an energy voucher for about six million low-income households and postponing planned tariff increases beyond October 2021 for gas and February 2022 for electricity. Nevertheless, these short-term responses are not a long-term solution. Consumer associations are increasingly outspoken in denouncing this system, criticisms shared by large industrial customers facing a critical situation of rising manufacturing costs. For their part, trade unions are stepping up initiatives to call for the return of energy to the public sector. Ultimately, rescuing energy from the logic of the market raises another question, with much wider repercussions: how to free oneself from this ultra-liberal European law imposed on states.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The European Commission’s decision to include nuclear power in its taxonomy on green investment has reignited the debate on the desirability of this energy source. Jason Bordoff points out in Foreign Policy<\/em><\/a>  three reasons why atomic energy has returned to the limelight. First, global electricity use will have to double by 2050 to achieve zero emissions, and renewable sources will not be able to meet all energy needs. Today, nuclear power is the cheapest way to decarbonise electricity production and the only carbon-free source that can provide energy at any time. The second reason is the significant technological advances that reduce costs, waste and limit the safety problems of nuclear power plants. In addition to new generation reactors and small modular reactors, nuclear power can also have a better future if nuclear fusion becomes commercially viable. The third reason for nuclear power to return to the energy debate is US national security. Russia has replaced the US as the world’s leading supplier of reactors, and China is particularly well positioned thanks to its programme to build giant domestic reactors. It is clear that nuclear power plants carry significant risks, but the question is whether it will be easier to address the challenges of nuclear power or to try to achieve climate neutrality without nuclear.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Continuing with the climate crisis, so that the European Green Pact can really tackle the climate crisis, Satoko Kishimoto and Louisa Valentin stress in Social Europe<\/em><\/a> the need to replace public-private partnerships with public-community schemes. The European Commission’s plan to achieve climate neutrality is based on the public-private model and falls short of investing in communities and recognising the important contributions of municipalities. This partnership model not only socialises investment risks while privatising profits, but also reduces transparency. In contrast, public-community schemes are innovative approaches to more democratic co-production of policies and delivery of public services. They point to the collaboration between a citizens’ cooperative and the municipal government of Wolfhagen in Germany as an excellent example of co-ownership, co-financing and co-decision that has enabled households to make savings and play an active role in the transition to renewables. In turn, Cadiz has involved its citizens in the transformation of the municipal energy company and in the design of a subsidy to combat energy poverty. Ultimately, the European Green Pact represents a historic opportunity, and it is for this reason that Kashimoto and Valentin are committed to collaboration between public authorities and the community as the best way to address simultaneously the climate and social challenges we face.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, with regard to new technologies Anthoni Cuthbertson reveals in The Independent<\/em><\/a> China, the world’s largest energy consumer with 1.4 billion inhabitants is looking for new sources of clean energy to mitigate the effects of climate change. Among its most cutting-edge lines of research is the Advanced Experimental Superconducting Tokamak (EAST), a nuclear fusion reactor better known as the “artificial sun”, which has just broken a new record by reaching a temperature five times higher than that of the sun, i.e. 70 million degrees Celsius for 17 minutes. The main objective of the experiment is to provide clean energy with little pollution. In fact, the nuclear fusion process does not require fossil fuels, known for their considerable impact on the environment and greenhouse gas emissions. Moreover, this “artificial sun” would not emit any hazardous waste, unlike nuclear fission. In addition to being environmentally clean, tokamak would be unlikely to cause an environmental disaster. Best of all, this energy is considered almost limitless. By recreating the physics of the Sun, the reactors fuse atomic nuclei and generate massive energy that can be converted into electricity. The only problem is that nuclear fusion is still impossible to produce outside specialised laboratories.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Laura Puente and Enric Brugu\u00e9s, trainees at the CETC, have contributed in this issue 53 of Diari de les idees<\/em>.<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The beginning of the year is marked by political and economic tensions affecting the EU’s eastern border. Rising tensions in Bosnia, with Republika Srpska’s Prime Minister Milorad Dodik underlining the goal of building his own state, the game being played between Russia and NATO\/US in Ukraine, Russian intervention in Kazakhstan, changes in Russian gas supplies in Europe. Moreover, new agreements signed between Albania, North Macedonia and Serbia to create a free movement zone are all indications that tensions are rising. 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The Russian intervention in Kazakhstan, the changes in Russian gas supplies to Europe and the new agreements signed between Albania,\u2026\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-53\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2022-01-24T11:13:23+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/i0.wp.com\/revistaidees.cat\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/01\/ukr.jpeg?fit=1536%2C1061&ssl=1\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"1536\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"1061\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Est. reading time\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"22 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-53\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-53\\\/\",\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 53 – IDEES\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-53\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-53\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"datePublished\":\"2022-01-20T07:53:58+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2022-01-24T11:13:23+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-53\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-53\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-53\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/i0.wp.com\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/Idees-dactualitat.jpg?fit=607%2C170&ssl=1\",\"width\":607,\"height\":170},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/diari-de-les-idees-53\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Inici\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/en\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/analisis\\\/diari-de-les-idees\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":3,\"name\":\"Diari de les idees 53\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/\",\"name\":\"IDEES\",\"description\":\"Contemporary global issues\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/revistaidees.cat\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"en-US\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Diari de les idees 53 – IDEES","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-53\/","og_locale":"en_US","og_type":"article","og_title":"Diari de les idees 53 – IDEES","og_description":"The beginning of the year is marked by political and economic tensions affecting the EU’s eastern border. 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