{"id":63190,"date":"2023-04-20T07:34:40","date_gmt":"2023-04-20T05:34:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/?post_type=newspaper&p=63190"},"modified":"2023-04-25T12:49:40","modified_gmt":"2023-04-25T10:49:40","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-europa-busca-el-seu-lloc-al-mon","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-europa-busca-el-seu-lloc-al-mon\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees – Europe is looking for its place in the world"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Since the end of the Second World War, Europe has known difficult times, but never before has it faced a situation that suggests that European integration may not be fully realised in a geopolitical context marked by the war in Ukraine, the struggle between the US and China for hegemony and the advent of a multipolar world that seems inevitable. What is Europe’s place in the world?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In recent years, the European Union has been confronted with a series of overlapping crises: the 2008 financial and sovereign debt crisis, the migration crises, the rise of illiberal policies in some member states, the COVID-19 health crisis and now the war on European soil. Many pundits and politicians argue that it would be good for the world if Europe could become a third superpower and a second pole committed to democracy and human rights, rather than letting the US hoard this capital for its own benefit. However, this Europe seeking its place in a rapidly changing world raises various interpretations and expectations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Some question whether Europe can ever assert itself as a superpower, as the EU is a politically disunited entity, where the nation-state remains the locus of key political decision-making. In this sense, the reactions of the different European partners to the French president’s statements following his recent trip to China, where he stressed the need for a certain equidistance between the great powers, are quite revealing. Likewise, despite the discrepancies, the President of the European Council himself admits that, with nuances, all European leaders share the need to move towards greater independence for the Union; although not in defence, where NATO continues to be the central pillar, at least in energy or in the supply chain of essential raw materials.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this context, the EU risks dissolving in a world marked by fragmentation and war between different interpretations of political capitalism. For example, it is not the EU that will decide the fate of the conflict in Ukraine, but the military reality on the ground. And in this area, the most relevant actor is not the EU but NATO, i.e. the United States. It seems, therefore, that the project of European strategic autonomy -a concept that appeared a decade ago in relation to the European defence industry and which points to the need for Europe to act autonomously and reduce military dependence on the US- has been very shaken from the outset. Nor does the European Political Community, which aims to foster political dialogue and cooperation to address issues of common interest and strengthen security, stability and prosperity beyond the EU’s 27 member states, seem to have taken off.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But Europe’s weakness is also economic and technological, as a region that came to dominate the world economy is now lagging behind in almost every important area of industry and economics. It is a matter of concern that European countries produce very little infrastructure and equipment in what is the backbone of the global internet, and that the EU has opted for a strategy of trying to control regulatory bodies: rather than producing, it prefers to regulate what others produce, as is the case in the field of generative AI.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The fact remains, however, that the EU needs to take a global view of space and time with respect to its position between the United States (on which its security depends) and China (on which it is increasingly dependent in trade and technology). With respect to space, Europe is confronted with the dilemma of two possible simultaneous or consecutive war scenarios -Russia and Taiwan- and, with respect to time, 2027 marks the centenary of the creation of China\u2019s People’s Liberation Army, which could mark a turning point in the threat to the island. Europe should therefore assume that from 2027 onwards the US may have to focus even more attention and resources on its deterrence strategy against China.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hence the importance of continuing the commitment to ensure that the strategic autonomy project does not perish and, in this respect, it is worth noting that the EU has recently presented its new Maritime Security Strategy<\/a> to ensure better protection of its maritime space. This update of the plan has to be understood in a context of insecurity stemming from the Russia-Ukraine war and especially the political and military alignment between Beijing and Moscow. Uncertainty over future relations between Asia and Europe has boosted the EU’s maritime engagement with its partners in the Indo-Pacific region. There has also been an increased European naval force presence in the region, demonstrating the EU’s commitment to naval diplomacy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But beyond the current situation, the most important future geopolitical and geo-economic challenge for Europe is Africa, as the former head of the WTO Pascal Lamy<\/a> points out, although Europe’s relationship with Africa is rather complicated. Within the Union, the former colonising countries feel closer to it but still carry the burden of their past, while the others – especially Central and Eastern Europe – are often insensitive to African realities. On the African side, too, things are not easy, not least because of the complex governance structures of the African Union, which comprises 54 countries with very diverse forms of government and political traditions.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Moreover, it is necessary to rethink the design of a new strategy for Europe’s North-South axis, as Russia is strengthening its military and political presence throughout the Eastern Mediterranean, Africa and the Middle East, aware that the region is the Gordian knot of strategic flows, be they food, migration or energy, that affect a Europe that has articulated its foreign policy too much around a West-East axis. This has left the EU with a very unstable southern flank, from which most of its raw materials will come in the coming decades, and where its agricultural surpluses could find an outlet. In short, Europe needs to articulate a new foreign policy along two lines. First, in a West-East direction in order to project itself towards the Eurasian region as a whole, Turkey, part of the Middle East and to some extent Iran. At the same time, it needs to design a new strategy on its North-South axis, conceptualising the whole Europe\/Middle East\/Africa region as a whole and not just as separate areas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Photography: Adobe Stock.<\/sub><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mar\u00eda Garc\u00eda, trainee student at the CETC, has participated in this issue of Diari de les idees.<\/sub><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Since the end of the Second World War, Europe has known difficult times, but never before has it faced a situation that suggests that European integration may not be fully realised in a geopolitical context marked by the war in Ukraine, the struggle between the US and China for hegemony and the advent of a multipolar world that seems inevitable. What is Europe’s place in the world? 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