{"id":63450,"date":"2023-05-18T07:30:56","date_gmt":"2023-05-18T05:30:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-la-temptacio-autoritaria\/"},"modified":"2023-05-18T17:32:52","modified_gmt":"2023-05-18T15:32:52","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-la-temptacio-autoritaria","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-la-temptacio-autoritaria\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees – The appeal of authoritarianism"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

One of the reasons that explain the fall in democratic quality that is happening simultaneously in many Western countries is that political parties and movements away from the extremes are unable to face one of the main causes of the loss of support: the search for short-term solutions as the social fabric that sustained the centre has come undone. In this way, the fall of the centre and deindustrialization are closely connected. In the Europe of the \u2018Glorious Thirty\u2019, industry provided lifelong employment, guaranteed pensions and stable social structures. Expanding neighbourhoods surrounded industrial centres and inhabitants had a strong attachment to their communities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Thus, Brexit support achieved its best results in the industrial cities of northern England, while in Germany, the two parties that stood by the most for the industrial society \u2013SPD and CDU\/CSU, which in the 1989 elections obtained a combined vote percentage of 77%\u2013 fell below the 50% threshold in 2021. In France and Italy, the number of voters who support radical right or left wing political forces is higher than those who vote for traditional parties. Even in Spain and Portugal, where long dictatorships of the 20th century seemed to have acted as a vaccine against extremism, radical right or far-right parties are achieving important electoral victories and including their issues of predilection in the agendas of the mainstream parties.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At a time where crises are overlapping, a part of the European right wing has decided to choose the limitation of rights and tolerance, while a discussion that accuses the traditional political space groups of seeking confrontation instead of agreements of general interest to solve daily problems of citizens is spreading. A discussion that certainly has its raison d\u2019 \u00eatre, but which ignores the fact that democracy seems to be an obstacle for powerful sectors in the transition from industrial capitalism to the capitalism of finance. Concerning this, it is also necessary to highlight the appearance of new grassroots movements that are articulated around the double idea that society can be organized some other way and that the common citizen has a real capacity to make society function differently.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this sense, COVID-19 has revealed that essential sectors such as hospitals or schools would have collapsed if the corresponding groups had not compensated for the disorder caused by the often contradictory instructions emanating from the governments. Therefore, citizens experienced a collective capacity to organize and became aware that neoliberal power causes disorder and dysfunction under the guise of control. However, one must contemplate whether there is a deliberate strategy to disorganize the major services in order to favour their privatization, i.e. to establish totally private systems of basic services organized according to social classes, where the rich and ultra-rich would have access to quality private health, education and pension systems, while the rest would only have access to increasingly degraded public services.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Then, in this context proposals emerge that suggest solutions articulated around what seems to be a political paradox: the creation of authoritarian democracies with different degrees of freedom depending on the country. Although this process is not new and is usually linked to globalization processes. This is how the ideas of the philosophers of the Enlightenment were transformed into Napoleonic armies that spread war throughout Europe. The last great globalization broke out after 1989, with the fall of the Berlin Wall and the following disintegration of the Soviet Union, one of the events that led some to decree the end of history. Nevertheless, the expansion of world trade, the Internet and low-cost travelling came also with the 9\/11 attacks and the Western counterattack in Iraq and Afghanistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Now, with the new challenge posed by China\u2019s aspirations to global hegemony and by the strength of some middle powers (India, Japan, Korea), we are witnessing a kind of \u2018counter-globalization\u2019, where the most dynamic regions are no longer located in Europe and the United States but in the Indo-Pacific. With a globalization that is no more only Western, it is the former hegemonic powers that are activating defensive nationalisms in an attempt to face the challenges of the future: aging demographics, migratory conflicts, serious environmental problems, impoverishment of the middle class or technological delay in some key areas such as the development of AI.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this general scenario, we highlight some specific elements that are particularly relevant. Firstly, the annual press freedom report<\/a> published by Reporters without Boarders (RSF) reveals that media freedom is in a very serious situation in a record number of countries and warns that disinformation, propaganda and AI are a growing threat to journalism. According to RSF, the rise in aggressiveness of autocratic governments, some allegedly democratic, combined with massive disinformation or propaganda campaigns, has caused the situation to show a worsening trend. Furthermore, it also points out that technological advances make it easier for governments and political leaders to distort reality and increase the capacity to publish false content, blurring the difference between truth and lies, reality and artifices, facts and opinions, a fact that jeopardizes the right to information.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Finally, Turkey voted this Sunday in a presidential election that could be a turning point for the fate of the democracy, the economy and the society of the country for the next years. Although Erdo\u011fan has been forced to go to a second round, the outgoing president has come close to an absolute majority after twenty years in power. Despite the imprisonment of journalists and opponents, the severe economic crisis (with inflation close to 50%), widespread corruption, the military incursions in Syria and the disastrous management of the earthquakes earlier this year, everything indicates that Erdo\u011fan has a good chance of eventually winning to the rival of the unified opposition, Kemal K\u0131l\u0131\u00e7daro\u011flu.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the other hand, it is also relevant that the AKP, the president\u2019s Justice and Development Party, seems to have maintained its majority in Parliament, with its ultranationalist allies of the MHP (Nationalist Action Party), which will prevent any attempt by the opposition to restore parliamentary democracy in Turkey, regardless of the outcome of the presidential runoff in a fortnight.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ultimately, a new Erdo\u011fan mandate at a decisive geopolitical moment, with the war in Ukraine, would be very bad news. Moreover, it would also mainly involve further erosion of civil rights in an increasingly illiberal Turkish democracy, especially for the Kurdish minority, dissidents, journalists and activists for women and LGBTQ+ rights, who have been the great targets of political repression by a president who strengthened his popularity through culture wars and a discourse based on terrorism and security.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Photography: Pixabay.<\/sub><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Mar\u00eda Garc\u00eda and Luc\u00eda Fern\u00e1ndez, trainee students at the CETC, have participated in this issue of Diari de les idees<\/em>.<\/sub><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

One of the reasons that explain the fall in democratic quality that is happening simultaneously in many Western countries is that political parties and movements away from the extremes are unable to face one of the main causes of the loss of support: the search for short-term solutions as the social fabric that sustained the centre has come undone. In this way, the fall of the centre and deindustrialization are closely connected. In the Europe of the \u2018Glorious Thirty\u2019, industry provided lifelong employment, guaranteed pensions and stable social structures. Expanding neighbourhoods surrounded industrial centres and inhabitants had a strong attachment\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":63408,"template":"","category_newspaper":[563],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-63450","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-563"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees - The appeal of authoritarianism – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-la-temptacio-autoritaria\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees - The appeal of authoritarianism – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"One of the reasons that explain the fall in democratic quality that is happening simultaneously in many Western countries is that political parties and movements away from the extremes are unable to face one of the main causes of the loss of support: the search for short-term solutions as the social fabric that sustained the centre has come undone. 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