{"id":63605,"date":"2023-06-15T07:28:55","date_gmt":"2023-06-15T05:28:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-les-noves-dretes-hibrides\/"},"modified":"2023-06-15T09:32:17","modified_gmt":"2023-06-15T07:32:17","slug":"diari-de-les-idees-les-noves-dretes-hibrides","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-les-noves-dretes-hibrides\/","title":{"rendered":"Diari de les idees – The new hybrid right-wing parties"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

War and crises are themes that mark our times, and the European Union, a haven of stability after the Second World War, has for more than a decade been experiencing phenomena of uncertainty and anxiety that are manifesting throughout the continent and are having a major impact, both individually and collectively. In this context, we are facing a debate that is becoming increasingly relevant as Europe is swinging to the right, a traditional space shaken by the rise and growth of radical and extreme right-wing forces conditioning its political discourse and action.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, social democracy has only won one legislative election in Denmark and has lost power in Italy (shared with other forces in a government of national unity presided over Mario Draghi), Sweden and Finland. Moreover, it has continued to lose electoral strength in Hungary, France and Greece. A populist agrarian movement is putting the liberal Mark Rutte on the ropes in the Netherlands. The socialist Ant\u00f3nio Costa in Portugal is experiencing setbacks despite his absolute majority. Even Germany, in technical recession, with productivity problems due to the rising cost of energy, sees how the extreme right AfD is already in second place in the polls, ahead of the SPD.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

How to explain that in two decades the left, which in 2003, before the last enlargement, governed 13 out of the 15 EU member states, has lost almost all its power?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Any generalization is dangerous, but the elections held in different countries give some clues that explain, even if only in part, this general shift to the right. Firstly, in a world immersed in a policrisis, the key variable is fear. Fear of an uncertain future or better: fear of an unequivocally and irremediably gloomy future (today there are no utopias, only dystopias). Fear, together with the perception that living conditions have worsened, increases the attractiveness of the strong man (or woman) who displays muscle and promises stability. Hence the advantage of conservative political parties, which do not promise uncertain change, but continuity and security.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

On the other hand, the success of conservative parties must also be analysed taking into account the age of the electorate. Today, one in five Europeans is over 65 years of age. According to the UN, in the last two decades, the average age has risen from 36 to 44 in Spain; from 37 to 42 in France; from 39 to 47 in Italy. In addition, everywhere, the over-35s vote the most.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

At the same time, throughout Europe, the debate on immigration is more alive than ever and is giving rise to heated debates. According to a recent survey in by Sciences Po\u2019s Political Research Centre<\/a> conducted in France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom, the statement \u201cthere are too many immigrants in our country\u201d gains majority support (60% among the French, Germans and Italians, and 57% among the British). This is empowering the right-wing forces in a context where the EU is still struggling to define a common and effective policy, beyond the outdated slogan that we must act humanely and firmly and where conservative and radical right-wingers can more easily find common ground.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hence, the normalization of this process of convergence, which some call the hybridization of the right<\/em> is worrying. In this regard, the fact that the investment to the US presidency of Donald Trump and of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil became a simple fact of political life is perhaps the most obvious example of the normalization of the radical right. However, it is also worth noting that this normalization could not have occurred without the complicity of mainstream parties, mainly conservative and liberal, that no longer oppose the far right or offer and alternative vision of the future, but increasingly copy its rhetoric and integrate some of its proposals into their political agendas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In short, the hybridization of these very heterogeneous right-wing parties with different historical roots is structured around two axes. First, electoral alliances and government pacts, as the so-called \u201ccordons sanitaires\u201d have been breaking down once the radical right has broken its glass ceiling and has begun to achieve electoral success and, therefore, greater political weight. To the extent that this right-wing rapprochement could change European democracy after next year\u2019s European Parliament elections. Some strategists of the European People\u2019s Party (EPP) are already openly talking about the possibility of integrating representatives of the radical right into their group. Furthermore, the Italian Foreign Minister, Antonio Tajani (who was also President of the European Parliament between 2017 and 2019) proposes a dialogue between the right and the far right to try to build a solid majority to rule the EU.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Second, the growing convergence of political agendas, for example on \u201cculture wars\u201d and immigration. Thus, new and old right-wingers agree in attacking the so-called gender ideology arguing that the concept of gender, femininity and masculinity is nothing more than a ploy of cultural Marxists to weaken the nation. When it comes to immigration, we have already seen how it is a unifying theme since it allows to establish more or less close links between the right and the extreme right, two sides often separated by economics (liberalism versus statism) and by Europe (European integration versus nationalism).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To the responsibility of the liberal right should also be added the crisis of the left, which from the rise of Margaret Thatcher, through Third Ways such as those of Tony Blair to the present days, often seems to have given up on transforming societies (and the living conditions of the underprivileged classes) to focus solely on policies of civil rights and liberties with a strong moral component.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In order to overcome this phenomenon, political scientist and expert on the European far right Cas Mudde<\/a> argues that it is important to focus not on defeating the far right, but on strengthening liberal democracy, since only satisfaction with liberal democracy can diminish support for the radical right. Indeed, much of the success of the radical right is related to the weakness of the of liberal democracy: massive corruption scandals in many countries, inequality growth, the hangover from the pandemic, inflation and the concern generated by the war in Ukraine and all its consequences. In short, this confluence of the different right-wing parties generated by this new wave of extreme right-wing forces that began with the 21st<\/sup> century and which is characterized by the trivialization of its ideas, poses the challenge of whether liberal democracies will be able to ensure that the concerns and fears that permeate the era end up uniting and not dividing our societies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Photography: collage by Maria Oliva from Creative Commons images.<\/sub><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Luc\u00eda Fern\u00e1ndez and Sara Garc\u00eda, trainee students at the CETC, have participated in this issue of Diari de les idees<\/em>.<\/sub><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

War and crises are themes that mark our times, and the European Union, a haven of stability after the Second World War, has for more than a decade been experiencing phenomena of uncertainty and anxiety that are manifesting throughout the continent and are having a major impact, both individually and collectively. In this context, we are facing a debate that is becoming increasingly relevant as Europe is swinging to the right, a traditional space shaken by the rise and growth of radical and extreme right-wing forces conditioning its political discourse and action. Since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine,\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":63588,"template":"","category_newspaper":[563],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-63605","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-563"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nDiari de les idees - The new hybrid right-wing parties – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/diari-de-les-idees-les-noves-dretes-hibrides\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Diari de les idees - The new hybrid right-wing parties – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"War and crises are themes that mark our times, and the European Union, a haven of stability after the Second World War, has for more than a decade been experiencing phenomena of uncertainty and anxiety that are manifesting throughout the continent and are having a major impact, both individually and collectively. 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