{"id":75938,"date":"2024-06-27T07:24:41","date_gmt":"2024-06-27T05:24:41","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-apunts-sobre-lascens-de-les-dretes-radicals-a-europa\/"},"modified":"2024-06-28T12:20:21","modified_gmt":"2024-06-28T10:20:21","slug":"idees-dactualitat-apunts-sobre-lascens-de-les-dretes-radicals-a-europa","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-apunts-sobre-lascens-de-les-dretes-radicals-a-europa\/","title":{"rendered":"Idees d&#8217;actualitat &#8211; Notes on the rise of the radical right in Europe"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>The various parties of the radical right have achieved a substantial increase in representation in the recent European Parliament elections, and their growing influence may lead to a shift towards more conservative policies. The rise of the hard right has been gradual but steady over the last few years, strong from its opposition to the <a href=\"https:\/\/commission.europa.eu\/strategy-and-policy\/priorities-2019-2024\/european-green-deal_en\">Green Deal<\/a> and the controversial financial agreements with North African countries to curb immigration. This pressure has also pushed the European People&#8217;s Party (EPP) towards more conservative positions, increasingly incorporating ideas promoted from the far right on immigration, identity, crime, green policies and the economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A very relevant factor, and one that needs to be fully grasped, is the sharp increase in support for radical right-wing options among younger sections of the population in virtually all European countries, especially among young males. Young voters have shifted their support from mainstream parties to the far right, driven by concerns such as high inflation, wars and lack of affordable housing, rather than by fear of immigration as is the general trend among older generations. Indeed, this generation has grown up in contexts of chronic crisis. Economic, political, migratory, climatic, pandemic, inflationary, and so on. They have never known any other reality and have come of age with no expectations of professional or financial stability. Many young people therefore no longer believe in a dominant political system that they consider outdated, corrupt, ineffective, incapable of meeting their needs, and increasingly out of touch with their interests and values. This feeling of exclusion has consequently led a significant part of the youth towards a strong political disengagement and in search of alternative forms of participation in which they act out of the legitimacy of frustration.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These dynamics have important implications for what young people are looking for in politics: they are attracted to anything that seems authentic, new and different from institutional politics. They like anti-elitist, anti-party, anti-institutional politics. They support candidates who are provocative, politically incorrect, fun, different, who symbolise an anti-establishment politics that is spreading around the world, and which the dynamics of information and politicisation of young people through social networks are helping to boost. Thus, many anti-establishment politicians or influencers have gained prominence on digital platforms through videos or posts that convey their aggressive speeches, where they dramatize and generate strong emotions, while claiming an unlimited right to offend others by virtue of freedom of expression. They are also characterised by a very particular way of combining aggressiveness and humour, and if there is one thing that younger generations appreciate, it is the ability of these personalities to entertain.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>It is no coincidence that in all European countries the presence and impact of radical right-wingers is a mass phenomenon on platforms such as TikTok or Instagram. A paradigmatic case is that of the young president of the French <em>Rassemblement National<\/em>, Jordan Bardella, only 28 years old, who could become prime minister after the second round of the legislative elections on 7 July. Apart from being the French politician who is generationally closest to the young electorate, he is one of the favourite personalities on TikTok, with 1.6 million followers who share his selfies and videos with catchy music, in which he avoids talking about his programme.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The EU itself and the European left as a whole bear a share of responsibility for this rise of the illiberal right. Indeed, the EU has not fulfilled its promises of economic, social, civil and democratic progress for everyone, but has become a vehicle for the interests of big finance and big capital since the <a href=\"https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/about-parliament\/en\/in-the-past\/the-parliament-and-the-treaties\/maastricht-treaty\">Maastricht Treaty<\/a>, which introduced the free movement of goods, services, capital and people, promoting deregulation that favoured capital to the detriment of workers and welfare. For its part, the European left has acted as an uncritical standard-bearer of a blind and dogmatic Europeanism, taking on board a large part of the EU&#8217;s neoliberal policies, limiting itself to trying to soften their harshest aspects, without, however, managing to curb economic policies that have increased social and geographical inequalities, weakening social and national cohesion.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Furthermore, the management of international crises, such as those in Ukraine or Gaza, have revealed that the EU lacks a clear and independent strategy, largely limiting itself to following US interests without taking into account the consequences for Europe itself.&nbsp; Finally, the EU&#8217;s budgetary constraints also negatively affect its ability to implement far-reaching policies, making it a regulatory body rather than a government that takes decisive initiatives. This regulatory approach, combined with economic stagnation and outdated industrial policies, has also contributed to the rise of the hard right.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The traditional right should also take its share of the blame. Indeed, for a long time, the main European parties formed a cordon sanitaire around the far right, but as it has advanced, xenophobic and authoritarian ideas have become commonplace as the traditional conservative right has incorporated into its political agenda numerous themes conveyed by the radical right. So much so that the Italian prime minister has become an ally of Ursula von der Leyen, a candidate for re-election as president of the European Commission, who no longer excludes agreements between the EPP and the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Finally, there is a general lack of citizen engagement with the EU. A 2023 <a href=\"https:\/\/op.europa.eu\/fr\/publication-detail\/-\/publication\/a14c6436-837e-11ee-99ba-01aa75ed71a1\">survey<\/a> shows that only 58% of Europeans feel attached to the EU, compared to 91% who feel attached to their country. Although 72% feel they are EU citizens and 58% know their rights, the sense of EU citizenship remains weak. Legal rights are insufficient to foster a sense of community and therefore we need initiatives to promote, stimulate and reinforce a sense of unity in diversity in European citizenship consciousness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In short, we all bear some responsibility for this ever-growing phenomenon. Perhaps we were over-optimistic and took it for granted that democracy was here to stay, that after the end of the Cold War there could only be a path of indefinite progress and the perfecting of democracy. Some even announced the end of History, but had to rectify this a few years later. We have probably also been insufficiently attentive to warning signs such as growing inequalities and failed promises, and finally the rise of illiberalism has shaken our certainties, just as the polycrisis unleashed by political, social, economic, climatic, technological and health shocks have impacted our societies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>We must think about the risks facing our democracies beyond physical violence. This is no longer the time when Soviet tanks rolled into Prague or Budapest, or the army bombed the presidential palace in Santiago de Chile. Today&#8217;s dangers relate more to dysfunctionality, inefficiency and imbalance. In other words, more subtle and pernicious forms of degradation. It is therefore necessary to be extremely vigilant and to strengthen the emotional bond that unites us to democracy, insofar as the threat often comes more from the lack of commitment of its supporters than from attacks by its enemies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-dots\"\/>\n\n\n\n<p><sub>Photography: Adobe Stock.<\/sub><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><sub>Anna Masegosa, trainee at the CETC, has paricipated in this issue of <em>Idees d\u2019actualitat<\/em>.<\/sub><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The various parties of the radical right have achieved a substantial increase in representation in the recent European Parliament elections, and their growing influence may lead to a shift towards more conservative policies. The rise of the hard right has been gradual but steady over the last few years, strong from its opposition to the Green Deal and the controversial financial agreements with North African countries to curb immigration. This pressure has also pushed the European People&#8217;s Party (EPP) towards more conservative positions, increasingly incorporating ideas promoted from the far right on immigration, identity, crime, green policies and the economy.\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":75882,"template":"","category_newspaper":[584],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-75938","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-584"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.5 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Idees d&#039;actualitat - Notes on the rise of the radical right in Europe &#8211; IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-apunts-sobre-lascens-de-les-dretes-radicals-a-europa\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Idees d&#039;actualitat - Notes on the rise of the radical right in Europe &#8211; IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The various parties of the radical right have achieved a substantial increase in representation in the recent European Parliament elections, and their growing influence may lead to a shift towards more conservative policies. The rise of the hard right has been gradual but steady over the last few years, strong from its opposition to the Green Deal and the controversial financial agreements with North African countries to curb immigration. 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