{"id":77382,"date":"2024-10-24T07:19:24","date_gmt":"2024-10-24T05:19:24","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-els-canvis-en-la-politica-migratoria-de-la-ue\/"},"modified":"2024-10-29T09:53:40","modified_gmt":"2024-10-29T07:53:40","slug":"idees-dactualitat-els-canvis-en-la-politica-migratoria-de-la-ue","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-els-canvis-en-la-politica-migratoria-de-la-ue\/","title":{"rendered":"Idees d&#8217;actualitat -Changes in the EU&#8217;s migration policy"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>One of the defining characteristics of the current debate on migration to Europe is that it is systematically being approached as a problem, which contributes to reinforcing this perception among citizens. Presenting the political management of migration as an existential threat is the true victory of national populism movements. Thanks to governments with different ideologies, both right-wing and left-wing, the migratory phenomenon is conceived as a \u201csocial problem\u201d, ignoring its demographic, economic and cultural contribution.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>A <a href=\"https:\/\/cepr.org\/voxeu\/columns\/macroeconomic-implications-recent-surge-immigration-eu#:~:text=Fiscal%20and%20local%20implications,of%20refugees%20(IMF%202022).\">study<\/a> from the <em>Centre for Economic Policy Research<\/em>(CEPR) analysed the macroeconomic implications of the increase of non-EU foreigners in 2022 largely driven by Ukrainian refugees. It foresees a positive impact on GDP of the recipient countries between 0.2 and 0.7 % by 2030. However, an increase in immigration entails an initial cost, and in some cases, it can cause congestion in public services, such as education or public health. &nbsp;Therefore, it will be necessary for governments to continue integrating immigrants into their workforce while ensuring that public services can keep up with the increase in population.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Then, to improve production in an ageing society with a tight labour market, the governments must provide labour market access to immigrants who are not included in the <a href=\"https:\/\/eur-lex.europa.eu\/EN\/legal-content\/summary\/temporary-protection-if-there-is-a-mass-influx-of-displaced-people.html\">Temporary Protection Directive<\/a>. Moreover, they must provide the immigrants access to self-employment, reinforce linguistic training and improve the rent offer and accessibility. Besides, it would be beneficial to reduce the geographic mobility barriers (including the ones linked to education, health services and housing), so immigrants could travel where the labour demand is higher.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>As this happens, Member States, or even the EU as a whole, should study if they have the necessary mechanisms to avoid a sudden decline of the GDP per capita (such as education and social housing) caused by greater immigrant affluence. Nowadays, no data allows a deep evaluation of this issue. Therefore, establishing whether providing public goods has been negatively affected by the immigration increase would be the first important step. &nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>However, the current polarization context and the reinforcement of border control have led to changes in the management policies of migratory flows that have led to an increase in irregular migration, which does nothing but favour far-right speech. Although these migratory flows are uncontrollable, their management can make a difference, as it has been already proved in other countries with more open and structured migratory models like New Zealand. Instead of applying restrictive policies and inciting fear and suspicion among citizens, it would be necessary to promote an approach to legal and safe migration. &nbsp;<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>On October 17<sup>th<\/sup> and 18<sup>th<\/sup>, at the European Council summit, Member States debated on Ukraine, the Middle East, competitiveness and migration. The leaders unanimously approved the new legislation about irregular migration and return. In 2018, the latest attempt to update the EU laws about irregular migration and return went nowhere because the European Parliament could not reach an agreement, becoming a decisive factor for the European Commission to try to settle it now.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Nonetheless, everything has changed considerably since 2018. The peak of far-right and populist parties encourages significant changes. Increasingly, more Member States demand a hardening of community policy in this field, even though irregular entries in the EU have decreased by 42 % since this year, according to <a href=\"https:\/\/european-union.europa.eu\/institutions-law-budget\/institutions-and-bodies\/search-all-eu-institutions-and-bodies\/frontex_en\">Frontex<\/a>. With this rate, the estimate is the figures for this year will be similar to the ones from 2021, remaining a long way from a migratory crisis like the Syrian refugee crisis of 2015 that pushed the European Union to the limit. However, now most of the Member States are setting out measures that were inconceivable a few years ago. These measures propose the hardening of migratory policies, becoming, in fact, an anti-immigration policy. Even Germany, for long a host country, has restored its border control, hardening its entry requirements. For instance, the 27 also demand new collaboration agreements, following the model used in Tunisia, Egypt and Mauritania, expecting to extend it to Senegal or even Mali. In exchange for the development aid, these countries undertake to better control their migratory flows.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Now, the president of the European Commission has proposed exploring the possibility of creating \u201creturn centres\u201d outside of the EU to manage irregular migration. One of the models proposed for this initiative is the Italy-Albania Agreement. This migratory agreement \u2013 temporally brought to a standstill by an Italian court \u2013 foresees that Albania will host migration centres to process asylum applications in exchange for Italian support for its accession to the EU. Furthermore, over five years, Italy will allocate \u20ac 670 million to manage these facilities, which will be under Italian jurisdiction, but Albania will provide the security. Although similar outsourcing schemes were severely criticized a long ago, now more Member States are supporting them, for example, Germany, which is traditionally more liberal on migration. Lastly, Ursula von der Leyen\u2019s support of Meloni\u2019s migration policies shows that the president of the Commission is willing to govern with two majorities: the majority that voted for her in July (EPP, S&amp;D, liberals and greens) and an alternative one with the Italian and Polish radical right if the social democrats put too much pressure on some matters, such as the energy transition.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The application of this kind of measures throughout Europe means the burial of the <a href=\"https:\/\/home-affairs.ec.europa.eu\/policies\/migration-and-asylum\/pact-migration-and-asylum_en\">Pact on Migration and Asylum<\/a> from 2023, which nowadays only supports France, Germany and Spain. Moreover, this also means the burial of the commitment remnants to international asylum law that EU Member States are supposed to defend. The position of many Member States concerning migrants and asylum seekers&#8217; treatment is linked to a contestation of the international law that the EU claims to defend. As well, the EU&#8217;s inaction in the Middle East will clearly damage the right to asylum, international humanitarian law and human rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Support for a rules-based international order, a fundamental principle in the Union&#8217;s external action, is followed by member states based on their interests. The absence of coherence in foreign policy is deafening when you see their attitude regarding the conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza and Lebanon. It seems that the course that the EU is taking will be based more on priorities of economic growth driven by a war economy, than on the proposals for green and social policies, or the defence of human rights.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-dots\"\/>\n\n\n\n<p><sub>Photography:<\/sub> <sub>Ursula von der Leyen and Giorgia Meloni visit the migrant center in Lampedusa. European Commission. Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.<\/sub><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><sub>Noa Redondo and Ariadna Coca, trainees at the CETC, have participated to this issue of\u00a0<em>Idees d\u2019actualitat<\/em>.<\/sub><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>One of the defining characteristics of the current debate on migration to Europe is that it is systematically being approached as a problem, which contributes to reinforcing this perception among citizens. Presenting the political management of migration as an existential threat is the true victory of national populism movements. Thanks to governments with different ideologies, both right-wing and left-wing, the migratory phenomenon is conceived as a \u201csocial problem\u201d, ignoring its demographic, economic and cultural contribution. A study from the Centre for Economic Policy Research(CEPR) analysed the macroeconomic implications of the increase of non-EU foreigners in 2022 largely driven by Ukrainian\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":77212,"template":"","category_newspaper":[584],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-77382","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-584"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.5 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Idees d&#039;actualitat -Changes in the EU&#039;s migration policy &#8211; IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-els-canvis-en-la-politica-migratoria-de-la-ue\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Idees d&#039;actualitat -Changes in the EU&#039;s migration policy &#8211; IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"One of the defining characteristics of the current debate on migration to Europe is that it is systematically being approached as a problem, which contributes to reinforcing this perception among citizens. Presenting the political management of migration as an existential threat is the true victory of national populism movements. Thanks to governments with different ideologies, both right-wing and left-wing, the migratory phenomenon is conceived as a \u201csocial problem\u201d, ignoring its demographic, economic and cultural contribution. 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