{"id":82871,"date":"2025-12-18T08:34:07","date_gmt":"2025-12-18T06:34:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-la-nova-estrategia-de-seguretat-dels-eua-un-canvi-de-paradigma\/"},"modified":"2026-01-15T10:36:51","modified_gmt":"2026-01-15T08:36:51","slug":"idees-dactualitat-la-nova-estrategia-de-seguretat-dels-eua-un-canvi-de-paradigma","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-la-nova-estrategia-de-seguretat-dels-eua-un-canvi-de-paradigma\/","title":{"rendered":"Idees d&#8217;actualitat &#8211; The new U.S. security strategy: a paradigm shift"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>The US <a href=\"https:\/\/www.whitehouse.gov\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/12\/2025-National-Security-Strategy.pdf\">National Security Strategy<\/a> (NSS) published a few days ago constitutes an important breaking point in US foreign policy, with an atypical text and wording, characterized by strong politicization, a radical redefinition of priorities and important strategic contradictions. It is a partisan document that conveys deep polarization, openly attacks previous administrations and elites, adopts Trump&#8217;s campaign discourse, and transforms a strategic instrument into a political manifesto and culture war. The document lacks a clear analytical structure and appeals to emotional concepts rather than coherent articulation. In addition, it stands out for an extreme and unusual personalization in this type of text, with constant references to Donald Trump, as well as for the forced attempt to inscribe its action in an idealized historical continuity.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The new strategy also marks a sharp change in U.S. priorities. Immigration is elevated to a central threat to national survival and becomes a fundamental criterion when establishing alliances. Economic security also occupies a prominent place and is the most structured section of the document, integrating trade, supply chains, reindustrialization, energy and critical technologies. Geographically, the priority shifts to the Western Hemisphere, with an explicit revival of the Monroe Doctrine and a coercive attitude towards the countries of Central and South America to prevent the influence of external powers \u2013 i.e. China \u2013 through the control of vital assets, including continued access to key strategic locations. An unequivocal claim to ownership over everything the U.S. feels should belong to them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The NSS represents a doctrinal break with China and Russia and abandons the paradigm of great power competition. Russia is no longer considered as a threat and is now seen as an actor with whom relations must be stabilised, especially through a negotiated end to the conflict in Ukraine. China is defined primarily as an economic competitor, with significant strategic ambiguity: on the one hand, a discourse of sovereignty and non-intervention, but also active containment in both the Western Hemisphere and the Indo-Pacific, especially regarding Taiwan and the South China Sea.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The most relevant section for us is the one dedicated to Europe. The transatlantic relationship, hitherto based on common values, is now being claimed from the sharing of the same &#8220;civilisation&#8221; that Europeans are about to betray. One sentence sums up his idea: &#8220;<em>But this economic decline is eclipsed by the real and more stark prospect of civilizational erasure<\/em>.&#8221; It is no longer a question of the defence of liberal democracy and human rights, but of a &#8220;civilisation&#8221; that must be white and Judeo-Christian and which, in the case of Europe, is being destroyed by non-European immigration and by the abandonment of traditional family values and good customs. The text points out that those responsible for this degeneration, which will end up separating the two sides of the Atlantic, are the governments of most European countries. The antidote: the &#8220;patriotic&#8221; political forces that the United States must support; that is, the extreme and radical right-wing parties close to the MAGA movement.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The document therefore urges European states to recover their national identity and to get rid of the burden that the European Union represents from the current American point of view. The United States remains interested in maintaining a strong relationship with Europe, but not with today&#8217;s Europe but with the one that should be recovered, as part of this same &#8220;civilization&#8221;. And it warns that NATO only has a reason to exist if these conditions are met.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>In the same vein, shortly after the NSS was published, Secretary of War Pete Hegseth put an end to thirty years of American foreign policy in a <a href=\"https:\/\/www.war.gov\/News\/Speeches\/Speech\/Article\/4354431\/remarks-by-secretary-of-war-pete-hegseth-at-the-reagan-national-defense-forum-a\/\">speech<\/a> delivered at the Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation, which can be seen as the official report on this strategy. In a world undergoing radical and accelerating change, he recognizes that America&#8217;s unipolar moment has definitively disappeared and that to confront the only power that stands up to it, China, America&#8217;s allies will have to take on more responsibility. Abandoning a conception of alliances based on the defence of common values or interests, Hegseth vindicated the Reagan doctrine of &#8220;peace through strength&#8221;. If Reagan intended to contain the Soviet Union by overthrowing left-wing governments on several continents, now the Trump administration wants to stop Chinese expansion without direct confrontation, promoting regime changes in Europe to align it with the MAGA ideology.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The reactions to the NSS show great agreement on a central point: we are facing a structural shift in US foreign policy. The most prominent common ground is the perception that the NSS breaks with traditional liberal leadership, replacing it with a combination of economic nationalism, reaffirmation of spheres of influence, and a markedly ideological and civilizational reading of the world. Both European and North American analysts interpret the new strategy as a commitment to a competitive multipolar order, but not based on cooperation or rules, but on transactions, strength, and internal political loyalties.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Among all the reactions, three cross-cutting diagnoses also coincide: an unprecedented hostility towards Europe, presented as a region in civilizational decline, and where a pro-illiberal interventionism is justified, which does not occur in the rest of the regions; the de-dramatization of Russia and the absence of democratic criticism, which can be read as a tactical alignment with Moscow; and the reduction of the normative value of democracy and human rights, replaced by economic or internal security interests (migration, drug trafficking, border).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Based on this shared diagnosis, the differences come mainly from the assessment of risks and possible scenarios. Some analysts emphasize the operational inefficiency of the document: an incoherent, contradictory or inexecutable strategy. Others highlight above all the ideological danger: explicit support for illegal European forces, the rhetoric of &#8220;culture war&#8221; and the normalisation of identity narratives. Taken together, the reactions draw a clear conclusion: the NSS 2025 is not just a strategic document, but a declaration of rupture with decades of Western foreign policy and an existential challenge for Europe, multilateralism and the liberal international order.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>However, we can challenge the usefulness and duration over time of the NSS. Some American experts stress the possible resilience of the system of foreign action and defence, since NSS rarely determine the action of a government on their own. On the other hand, the strategic process looks superficial, internal contradictions weaken its effectiveness, and the discourse of &#8220;America First&#8221; erodes&nbsp; American <em>soft power<\/em> and the ability to build alliances when there are clear signs that the US has long been unable to achieve any foreign policy goal through force (Gulf Wars, withdrawal from Afghanistan).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Finally, the hyper-personalization of the document casts doubts on its temporal trajectory and raises serious questions about the viability of a strategy linked almost exclusively to the figure of a president with a political horizon by definition limited. In some ways, the NSS can be understood as a call to be taken seriously by a declining power that is abandoning the policies that allowed it to dominate the world since the end of World War II.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<hr class=\"wp-block-separator has-alpha-channel-opacity is-style-dots\"\/>\n\n\n\n<p><sub>Photography: Donald Trump delivers remarks at the Pentagon. 17th January 2019. Tia Dufour. As a work of the U.S. federal government, it is in the public domain.<\/sub><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The US National Security Strategy (NSS) published a few days ago constitutes an important breaking point in US foreign policy, with an atypical text and wording, characterized by strong politicization, a radical redefinition of priorities and important strategic contradictions. It is a partisan document that conveys deep polarization, openly attacks previous administrations and elites, adopts Trump&#8217;s campaign discourse, and transforms a strategic instrument into a political manifesto and culture war. The document lacks a clear analytical structure and appeals to emotional concepts rather than coherent articulation. In addition, it stands out for an extreme and unusual personalization in this type\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":82839,"template":"","category_newspaper":[634],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-82871","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-634"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.5 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Idees d&#039;actualitat - The new U.S. security strategy: a paradigm shift &#8211; IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-la-nova-estrategia-de-seguretat-dels-eua-un-canvi-de-paradigma\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Idees d&#039;actualitat - The new U.S. security strategy: a paradigm shift &#8211; IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"The US National Security Strategy (NSS) published a few days ago constitutes an important breaking point in US foreign policy, with an atypical text and wording, characterized by strong politicization, a radical redefinition of priorities and important strategic contradictions. 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