{"id":82960,"date":"2026-01-15T08:41:27","date_gmt":"2026-01-15T06:41:27","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-la-configuracio-dun-nou-ordre-mundial\/"},"modified":"2026-01-15T10:35:23","modified_gmt":"2026-01-15T08:35:23","slug":"idees-dactualitat-la-configuracio-dun-nou-ordre-mundial","status":"publish","type":"newspaper","link":"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-la-configuracio-dun-nou-ordre-mundial\/","title":{"rendered":"Idees d’actualitat – The shaping of a new world order"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Since the beginning of Donald Trump’s second term, it has become commonplace to invoke the Monroe Doctrine as a guide for analysing US geopolitical decisions, from the recent military intervention in Venezuela to the agreement with Putin on the mutual recognition of spheres of influence, to the recurring threats of annexation of Greenland. However, although the Monroe Doctrine (which was essentially passive and called on Europeans not to increase their influence or recolonise any region of the Western Hemisphere) provides us with a key to explaining current US foreign policy \u2014 explicitly cited in the recently published National Security Strategy<\/a> \u2014 it is in the Big Stick doctrine<\/a>, formulated by Theodore Roosevelt, that we find the basis for understanding not only the most recent episodes of presidential racketeering, but above all the very nature of US power and its global projection over the last 150 years.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Indeed, nothing illustrates this doctrine better than the maxim \u2018Speak softly and carry a big stick\u2019, i.e. the application of a foreign policy ostensibly based on diplomacy, but always hinting at the use of military force to project national interests. This strategy is like the \u2018Peace through strength\u2019 advocated by Ronald Reagan to win the Cold War. Thus, invoking the possible interference of European states in Venezuela and the Dominican Republic, Roosevelt enshrined the hegemony of US interests over its southern neighbours and their de facto transformation into mere protectorates (America’s backyard).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The structural factors that define the current situation are particularly relevant in a context in which public intervention in international politics is largely marked by a purely circumstantial and, therefore, simplistic, reductionist analysis that lacks context and, fundamentally, ignores the factors that make the situation what it is at any given moment. To speak of the rules-based international order, for example, as an emanation of the moral superiority and justice of the liberal principles defended by the Western powers is to forget that this order is traversed by complex relations of power, force and dependence that have established, over the last 150 years, a corporate, moral and geopolitical hierarchy on a global scale, based on a long history of racketeering. It also means forgetting that while the liberal order has made the world a safe place for democracy, it has also contributed to the concentration of wealth in the hands of increasingly exclusive elites.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Everything we are learning about the recent American incursion into Venezuela \u2013 and its possible intervention in Greenland \u2013 from political speeches to meetings with multinational oil companies, clearly shows that Trump is a racketeer in the style of the banana wars of the early 20th century. But contrary to what European leaders claim, it is not Trump who has buried the rules-based international order. If anything, he has merely laid bare the liberal fa\u00e7ade of an international political model that has rarely lived up to the expectations and needs of the people, but which, on the contrary, has deepened extractivism and competition for natural resources \u2014 oil, rare earths, gold, drinking water \u2014 while privatising profits and socialising environmental risks.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The international order to which we had all become accustomed\u2014in retrospect, we might say even with a certain complacency\u2014is badly damaged, perhaps irreversibly so. We are living in an era of what has been called radical uncertainty. We are in a transition in which the old system is crumbling, but we do not yet know what will come next. Perhaps things should be resolved by giving way to a new normal, but if history is any guide, we should not count on that, but rather prepare for a period of prolonged volatility. Predictability, essential for global peace, does not seem likely to be a feature of this new world. There are too many disruptive factors: unpredictable electorates, trade wars, artificial intelligence (and the accompanying investment bubbles), an ageing population in the West and a warming planet. Revisionist powers break the rules and abandon norms to invade or threaten their neighbours. Some international arms agreements are allowed to expire or are simply ignored, while others that urgently need updating \u2014 such as those relating to nuclear non-proliferation or the militarisation of space \u2014 are neglected.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In this new framework of relations, we Europeans are experiencing one of those moments in history when there is so much at stake and so few tools available to navigate. \u2018Building Europe without the United States, or even against it, is unthinkable,\u2019 wrote Jean-Marie Gu\u00e9henno, former UN Vice-Secretary-General, in Le Monde<\/em><\/a> a few days ago. For decades, Europe has lived under a comfortable fiction: that of delegated sovereignty in matters of security in exchange for stability. This delegation was possible as long as the guarantor accepted the rules of the game, as long as American leadership was exercised within a shared regulatory framework and with rhetoric that was at least formally multilateral.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

But when this guarantor questions the sovereignty of a Member State, when it threatens to use force against an ally, the fiction collapses. The European reaction to the threat against Greenland demonstrates this starkly. Solemn declarations, reaffirmations of international law, calls for calm. Nothing that seriously upsets Washington. Nothing that indicates that Europe is prepared to bear the political, economic, and strategic costs of defending its own territorial integrity. It is not just a question of a lack of military capabilities, although these do exist and are evident. Above all, it is a lack of political will, and this has a clear root cause. Europe does not act as a political entity because it does not perceive itself as such. Governments continue to calculate in national terms, fearful of breaking a transatlantic link on which they depend, even when that link has become a source of insecurity. The result is a reactive, fragmented, and subordinate foreign policy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Europe therefore finds itself facing a dilemma. On the one hand, it needs the United States to support its eastern flank against Russia, especially in the context of the conflict in Ukraine, which has reintroduced conventional warfare to the continent. On the other hand, it is beginning to realise that its hitherto ally could become a direct threat on its western flank. This contradiction paralyses any coherent response. Hence the vagueness, appeasement and rhetorical balancing acts that have already proved useless at other times in European history. Failure in Greenland would further erode the rules-based international order, weaken NATO, and highlight Europe’s inability to act as a serious security player when it matters most. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The crisis sparked by the United States’ threat against Greenland is neither an accident nor the eccentricity of an erratic leadership. It is the starkest manifestation of a world that is no longer governed by rules and where force seeks to replace law once again. Faced with this scenario, Europe continues to react as if the problem were temporary, as if another joint statement or emergency summit were enough. This is not the case. The problem is structural, and Europe’s response remains radically insufficient. The question that now begs to be asked is not whether NATO will survive internal aggression, or even whether the US has ceased to be a reliable partner. The question is much more uncomfortable and profound. Can Europe continue to exist politically without becoming a true political community? Everything indicates that it cannot. And yet this question continues to be systematically avoided by leaders who prefer to manage inertia rather than face the vertigo of change.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Photography: New world order. Wendelin Jacober, 2014. Creative Commons CC0 1.0 Universal Public Domain Dedication.<\/sub><\/p>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Since the beginning of Donald Trump’s second term, it has become commonplace to invoke the Monroe Doctrine as a guide for analysing US geopolitical decisions, from the recent military intervention in Venezuela to the agreement with Putin on the mutual recognition of spheres of influence, to the recurring threats of annexation of Greenland. However, although the Monroe Doctrine (which was essentially passive and called on Europeans not to increase their influence or recolonise any region of the Western Hemisphere) provides us with a key to explaining current US foreign policy \u2014 explicitly cited in the recently published National Security Strategy\u2026<\/p>\n","protected":false},"featured_media":82948,"template":"","category_newspaper":[679],"segment":[],"subject":[],"class_list":["post-82960","newspaper","type-newspaper","status-publish","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category_newspaper-679"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nIdees d'actualitat - The shaping of a new world order – IDEES<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/revistaidees.cat\/en\/analisis\/diari-de-les-idees\/idees-dactualitat-la-configuracio-dun-nou-ordre-mundial\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Idees d'actualitat - The shaping of a new world order – IDEES\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Since the beginning of Donald Trump’s second term, it has become commonplace to invoke the Monroe Doctrine as a guide for analysing US geopolitical decisions, from the recent military intervention in Venezuela to the agreement with Putin on the mutual recognition of spheres of influence, to the recurring threats of annexation of Greenland. 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