In the context of globalization and China “rising”, the past two decades witnessed the increasing research interest on the emerging field of “Global China”. Global China studies is an interdisciplinary research field that studies China’s multifaceted global engagements and impacts. It expands China Studies beyond China’s territorial boundaries and looks into the role of China in the global stage, its profound influence on global governance, trade, aid, investment, financing for development, technology, militarization and peace, environment, geopolitics, human rights, etc. The considerable amount of studies, initiatives and media coverages focus on the monitoring of China’s global footprint, overseas investment—especially the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)—its environment, social and human rights implications, its influence on geopolitics and regional dynamics [1]1 — Such as “Belt and Road Monitor” by RWR Advisory Group (available on line), “The People’s Map of Global China” (available on line) o “Chinese Responsible Investment Overseas Newsletter” by Business & Human Rights Resource Centre (available on line), among others. .
However, not much attention has been given to the gender aspect of “Global China”, yet, and the issue of gender and sexuality has been largely ignored [2]2 — Jolly, Susie (8 setembre 2016): “Why Gender and Sexuality are Central to China’s Relationships with the Global South”, Just Matters, Ford Foundation. Available on line. . Given China’s increased commitments on gender equality and women’s development in the global level in the recent years and the fact that gender has been highly politicized in the current geopolitics, becoming another contested ground, more in-depth intellectual inquiries on these subjects are urgently needed.
Gender matters in Global China
The current literature on the theme of Global China and gender predominantly explore cross-cultural relations between China and Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America (including labor and marriage migration, sex work, family life, cultural alienation and integration). It delves into the implication of a wide array of issues —Chinese investment, trade, development cooperation, agricultural and mining activities— on local women’s livelihood and business opportunities, among others [3]3 — This literature review is drafted by Yang Beibei for workshop on “China in the Global South: the Central Role of Gender and Sexuality” held in Beijing in September 2017. .
Several projects and initiatives that inquire on the theme of Global China and gender are particularly worth mentioning here. In particular the project “China in the Global South: The Central Role of Gender and Sexuality”, conducted by The Center for Emerging Worlds at University of California, Santa Cruz between 2016 and 2020 [4]4 — More information about this project and its outputs can be found on the webpage of The Center for Emerging Worlds (available on line). The book that is based on the findings of this research project will be published soon. . This project brings together a group of scholars and NGOs from China, US, Latin America, and Africa to a dynamic intellectual dialogue addressing the impact of China’s presence in the Global South on women’s lives and gender relations. It does so through research, workshops, cultural commentary series, and international forums. The project emphasizes the importance of shifting the research focus beyond “impacts” of China’s policies, investment and advocacies, and it places gender and sexuality at the center of the analyses to understand how Chinese policies and practices are established, accepted or challenged in China and elsewhere. For instance, China’s image in other countries is often linked with the way sexuality is defined in those countries, which affects China’s transnational relations. The latest case is intertwined with anti-gender, anti-communism, anti-China rhetoric and sentiment in Brazi [5]5 — Corrêa, Sonia (19 March 2019): “Brazilian presidential elections: A perfect catastrophe?” Available on line. , which further intensifies due to the COVID-19 pandemic and stimulates the fierce reaction from China.
From this point of departure, the project critically reflects on the current methodology in the Global China studies and points out that it is important to avoid the assumption of gender and sexuality as stable identities and norms and not to see China and other Southern countries as an unhistorical and monolithic entity. Instead, it intends to explore the complex and sophisticated connections and produce the nuanced analyses on China and Global South drawing on histories of colonialism and reality of changing global context through a collective intellectual endeavor.
It is important to avoid the assumption of gender and sexuality as stable identities and norms and not to see China and other Southern countries as unhistorical and monolithic entity. China’s image projected in other countries is often linked with how sexuality is configured in those countries, which impacts China’s transnational relations
Another interesting effort is the series initiatives by Sexuality Policy Watch. Since 2012, Sexuality Policy Watch aimed at examining the intersections between geopolitical trends —emergence of Global South, especially Brazil, China, India and South Africa— and the politics of sexuality and human rights, as well as to developing a critical mapping of trends and shifts in the various realms of sexual politics at large in the early 21st century. These projects produced a series of working papers and videos that assess the tensions and dynamics in global sexual politics [6]6 — The working papers and videos can be accessed at Sexuality Policy Watch website. . Chinese scholars participated in these discussions and contributed to the analyses. The engagement in this global project incentivizes Chinese researchers to reposition and contextualize Chinese gender and sexuality politics in a broader global analyses and debates. The byproduct of this engagement is the formation of network of scholars who show enthusiasm in the future collaboration to research on intersection of Global China and gender and sexuality. These scholars come from different regions with diverse academic background and conduct interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary research, which undoubtfully will enrich the theories and methodologies that inquiring Global China from gender and sexuality perspective would require.
Why gender matters even more right now?
To examine gender issues in China’s global engagement serves multiple purposes. On the one hand, it will fill the knowledge gaps and open the new possible questions and approaches in academic inquiry. On the other hand, it will contribute to identify the entry points and strategies for advocacy both inside and outside of China on related matters. Now all these tasks seem more imperative than ever before. Why so?
Changing gender politics in China
In the last two decades, rapid transformations of sexual identities, norms, and practices have emerged, and creative activities organized by young feminists, LGBTQ+ groups, and sexuality educators have also increased the social visibility of sexuality and gender issues in China [7]7 — Huang, Yingying (2019): “Sexuality Research and Sex Politics in 21st Century of Mainland China”. A: Correa, S. i R. Parker (eds.): SexPolitics: Trends & Tensions in the 21st Century – Contextual Undercurrents, vol. 2. Available on line. . Moreover, in the conjuncture of COVID-19 pandemic and Beijing+25 [8]8 — Beijing+25 refers to 25th anniversary of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing China in 1995, when governments adopted the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPfA). Every five years, UN conducts a comprehensive review on the implementation of BPfA participated by governments and NGOs to assess the progress made and identify the remaining gaps and new challenges. These series reviews are Beijing+5 (in 2000), Beijing+10 (in 2005), Beijing+15 (in 2010), Beijing+20 (in 2015), and Beijing+25 (in 2020). , women’s development, gender equality, and other related issues enter the public discourse and policy domain. This visibility and legitimacy of gender issues provide the new momentum and space for women’s movements and gender equality advocacy in China and globally [9]9 — Cai, Yiping (2021) Women’s Rights and Organizing in China in the Conjuncture of COVID-19 and Beijing+25. DAWN discussion paper 34. Available on line. . Feminist groups all around the world have been working collaboratively to ensure that a gender perspective is integrated in the COVID-19 response and recovery policies and plans.
Developing a feminist agenda calls for the social, political, economic transformation [10]10 — Feminist Response to COVID-19 collective is one of these initiatives. See its website for more information. . In China, women’s participation and contribution in the prevention and control of epidemics, as health workers, social workers, caregivers, volunteers, scientists and researchers, journalists, service providers, in family, community, and every aspect of the society, are well acknowledged and highly appreciated. President Xi Jinping in his speech at the UN event on Beijing+25 called for actions to reduce the impact of COVID-19 on women, and to place the protection of women’s and girls’ rights and interests high on agenda of both public health and economic reopening, as well as make efforts to enhance benefits for women, address their concerns, and deliver results for their well-being [11]11 — Xi, Jinping (2020) Statement by H.E. Xi Jinping President of the People’s Republic of China at the High-level Meeting on the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of The Fourth World Conference on Women. Available on line. .
In China, the changing gender and sexuality politics also manifests in the shifts in policy and legislations related to gender equality and women’s rights, including the sexual and reproductive health and rights. For example, in 2016, the government suspended the 35-years-old one-child family planning policy and opened it up for the second child [12]12 — Baochang Gu, Zhuoyan Mao i Mengyun Hu (2019): An Ongoing Journey: Review of ICPD+25 in China. Pequín: Centre de Recerca en Població i Desenvolupament de la Xina i FNUAP Xina. . On 31 May 2021, the government launched the new policy that allows married couples to have a third child, as well as a set of incentives for increasing fertility rate, such as elimination of the discrimination against women in employment, provision of the subsidy and public facility for childcare, among others [13]13 — Xinhua News Agency (2021) China to support couples having third child. Available on line. . Although the intention of these policies may lie in the rationale of solving the problem of declining fertility and aging population, they will undoubtedly have an impact on gender equality and women’s development in China.
The other notable related legislative changes include the adoption of a landmark Anti-Domestic Violence Law in 2015 and establishment of a 30-day cooling-off period for couples who want to dissolve their marriage in the 2021 civil code. The paradoxical legislative changes, as well as the heated debates on sexuality education, revived Confucian value and cultural conservatism represented by “anti-sex aunties” [14]14 — “Anti-sex aunties” refers to a group who claim to resist to “sexual liberation” within Chinese society. They aggressively and publicly assault sexologist and denounce sexuality education programs. One of these attacks occurred at the Sex Culture Expo held in Xi’an in 2014. See Hu Lele (2019) “Anti-sex aunties” should not “anti-sex” with violence. Available on-line. See also Huang Yingying’s 2019 paper. , juxtaposed with top-level commitment on gender equality and activism by LGBT and young feminist groups in the society, which compose the complicated landscape of gender politics in China.
China’s global commitments on gender equality and women’s development
In addition to all this complexity, there is China’s increasing global commitment on gender quality and women’s development in various international forums and through its international cooperation programs. Chinese leadership reaffirms the reform and opening up policies and commits to open its economy despite of the trade war with the US, disputes with western countries on human rights issues, and the global economic crisis induced by COVID-19 pandemic that push China for self-reliance. The same strategic adjustment can be observed in the BRI to meet the challenges imposed by “the profound changes unseen in a century”, with the emphasis on solidary and people-to-people exchange. In this context, gender issues have been given more prominence and attention in China’s foreign policy and international cooperation in recent years.
For example, at the high-level meetings China co-hosted with UN Women on the occasion of Beijing+20 (2015) and Beijing+25 (2020), President Xi Jinping reiterated gender equality as state policy and committed financial support to UN Women and developing countries to accelerate the implementation of BPfA and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on gender equality and women’s empowerment. The report “Equality, Development and Sharing: Progress of Women’s Cause in 70 Years Since New China’s Founding” enumerates the achievements of China’s participation and cooperation in promoting women’s development and gender equality at the global level [1]1 — Such as “Belt and Road Monitor” by RWR Advisory Group (available on line), “The People’s Map of Global China” (available on line) o “Chinese Responsible Investment Overseas Newsletter” by Business & Human Rights Resource Centre (available on line), among others. .
In the conjuncture of COVID-19 pandemic and Beijing+25, women’s development, gender equality, and other related issues enter the public discourse and policy domain. This visibility and legitimacy of gender issues provide the new momentum and space for women’s movements and gender equality advocacy in China and globally
As a defender of multilateralism, China has become the second biggest contributor to UN regular budget (contributes 12%) after the US (22%) since 2019 and the second biggest contributor to UN peacekeeping operation expenses since 2016 [16]16 — A/RES/73/271. Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the expenses of the United Nations. Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 22 December 2018 . Therefore, China is anticipated to play a more proactive role in the practice of “Women, Peace and Security (WPS) Agenda” at national and global levels [17]17 — Li, Yingtao (2020) Accelerate the Implementation of WPS: An Assessment of China’s Practice of ‘Women and Armed Conflict’ Strategy over the Past Five Years. Journal of Shandong Women’s University 3: 41-51. . Most importantly, in the government policy paper “China’s International Development Cooperation in the New Era” launched recently, for the first time, gender equality is outlined as one of the priority areas for China’s future international development cooperation. This policy priority is echoed in the official statement of Chinese government representatives at the UN, for instance at the high-level meeting on Beijing+25 at Human Rights Council in Geneva in 2020, and various forums that China hosts on international cooperation, which often incorporate the sessions on gender equality and women’s development in the agenda.
Gender in Global China: Area of collaboration or field of contestation?
While in China gender issues increasingly gain ground in terms of visibility, legitimacy, and priority in political agenda; gender has become a fierce battlefield with the emergence of global “anti-gender” movement across Europe, the US and Latin America. It was initiated by the hard-right Catholic religious groups to oppose the progress made on gender equality and women’s rights since 1990s through transnational feminist movement and advocacy, especially those associated with abortion and sexual rights. It takes different forms and utilizes various strategies to exert influence on public opinion, national politics and global governance [18]18 — More information and analyses can be found at “Resources on Anti-Gender Ideology” compiled by Global Philanthropy Project (available on line). For an analysis of European anti-gender politics, see Kuhar, Roman and David Patternote D. (ed) (2017) Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilising Against Equality. For Latin America see Corrêa, Sonia S (ed) (2020) Anti-gender Politics in Latin America, Summary of Case Studies (available on line). For the US, see Case, Mary Anne (2019) Transformations in the Vatican’s war against “gender ideology”. Chicago: University of Chicago. .
In China, gender issues are usually not regarded as politically sensitive and controversial, in contrast to the issues of human rights, national sovereignty, and peace and security in the global arena. However, this situation may change given the complexity and ambiguity of the concept of gender and global gender politics. In Chinese language, gender equality is often used interchangeably with equality between men and women indicating the tendency of binary reinterpretation. In practice, gender equality can be reduced to women’s equal participation in development (poverty alleviation, education, economic participation, maternal health, etc.) to avoid intentionally the use of the term rights. Substituting the language of rights with that of development reflects the longstanding ideological controversy on “right to development vs. human rights” between China and some western countries.
In a nutshell, how will China position itself on global gender politics and negotiations? What approaches will China apply to conduct the international cooperation programs that promote gender equality and women’s development in developing countries? These would be some interesting questions to inquire about Global China.
In addition to the conceptual confusion on terminology of gender and ideological dispute over language of rights, the issue about women’s organizations and feminist movements is also concerning researchers and activists. Would Chinese NGOs and their counterparts from other countries be able to meaningfully participate in implementation and monitoring of China’s international cooperation agenda, given the shrinking civil space in China and globally [19]19 — Shieh, Shawn (11 març 2021): “China’s White Paper and the BRI: Can we expect China to deliver on the SDGs?”, Centre d’Informació sobre Empreses i Drets Humans. Disponible en línia. On the other hand, China is skeptical and vigilant about gender issues and women’s rights being manipulated by US and its allies as another weapon to demonize against China in the global stage [20]20 — US embassy small grant guidelines list women’s rights as a field to support. This is interpreted in an article posted on social media as the US’s attempt to use women’s rights issues to promote western value and anti-family anti-marriage rhetoric and ultimately subvert the government. This article was reposted by some mainstream media, for instance, The Global Times, on their social media account. .
Conclusió
Overall, gender has been highly politicized in the current circumstances and became another contested ground where it could potentially generate and escalate anti-China sentiment/Sinophobia in the specific political context, intersecting with anti-communism, anti-abortion, anti-gender, anti-colonialism, anti-racism, anti-globalization, nationalist propaganda, xenophobia, protectionism, etc. Having said that, we do not suggest that China should minimize its commitments on gender equality and women’s development. Instead, it should investigate and analyze comprehensively on the current gender politics and develop the concrete work plan to put resources to walk the talk.
There are much more to be done to bring gender perspective into Global China. It stimulates new questions beyond “what China does or should do, what the implications are, how the rest of the world responds, and how China react and adjust, so on and so forth”. It does not necessarily focus on China and see it as an unhistorical and monolithic entity and emerging power. Instead, it interrogates the conjunctures where China and the world encounter in a particular way in the specific space and time; and how these encounters manifest and reveal themselves in various forms synchronously —collaboration, contestation, transformation— and how these dynamics contribute to shape and reshape China and the world.
This change in focus requires the methodology that can bring the voice and experience of all affected people and communities at the center of the analyses, women, man, LGBTQ+, migrants, workers, farmers, indigenous people, sex workers, investors, brokers, street vendors, and others, to understand how they are related to one another in the reconfiguration. It urges researchers to reassess those seemingly convenient standard tropes and concepts on China (such as communism, state capitalism, undemocratic, super-power, hegemonic power, and so on), and to search for the new analytical tools. What are the life stories of Chinese workers who build the infrastructure in Africa leaving behind their families? How do their stories resonate with those of Chinese workers who built the railway in America more than a hundred years ago? How do the African women perceive their jobs at the Nairobi-Mombasa line, the Chinese railway megaproject, and other Chinese companies? What do they have to say about how to improve corporate social responsibility (CSR) guidelines and regulations of Chinese investment? What could Chinese CSOs learn from indigenous communities and human rights organizations in Latin America on human rights and right to development through a collaboration and partnership to hold Chinese mining company accountable? Maybe these can be some steps to begin with in the long rocky road.
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References
1 —Such as “Belt and Road Monitor” by RWR Advisory Group (available on line), “The People’s Map of Global China” (available on line) o “Chinese Responsible Investment Overseas Newsletter” by Business & Human Rights Resource Centre (available on line), among others.
2 —Jolly, Susie (8 setembre 2016): “Why Gender and Sexuality are Central to China’s Relationships with the Global South”, Just Matters, Ford Foundation. Available on line.
3 —This literature review is drafted by Yang Beibei for workshop on “China in the Global South: the Central Role of Gender and Sexuality” held in Beijing in September 2017.
4 —More information about this project and its outputs can be found on the webpage of The Center for Emerging Worlds (available on line). The book that is based on the findings of this research project will be published soon.
5 —Corrêa, Sonia (19 March 2019): “Brazilian presidential elections: A perfect catastrophe?” Available on line.
6 —The working papers and videos can be accessed at Sexuality Policy Watch website.
7 —Huang, Yingying (2019): “Sexuality Research and Sex Politics in 21st Century of Mainland China”. A: Correa, S. i R. Parker (eds.): SexPolitics: Trends & Tensions in the 21st Century – Contextual Undercurrents, vol. 2. Available on line.
8 —Beijing+25 refers to 25th anniversary of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women held in Beijing China in 1995, when governments adopted the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPfA). Every five years, UN conducts a comprehensive review on the implementation of BPfA participated by governments and NGOs to assess the progress made and identify the remaining gaps and new challenges. These series reviews are Beijing+5 (in 2000), Beijing+10 (in 2005), Beijing+15 (in 2010), Beijing+20 (in 2015), and Beijing+25 (in 2020).
9 —Cai, Yiping (2021) Women’s Rights and Organizing in China in the Conjuncture of COVID-19 and Beijing+25. DAWN discussion paper 34. Available on line.
10 —Feminist Response to COVID-19 collective is one of these initiatives. See its website for more information.
11 —Xi, Jinping (2020) Statement by H.E. Xi Jinping President of the People’s Republic of China at the High-level Meeting on the Twenty-fifth Anniversary of The Fourth World Conference on Women. Available on line.
12 —Baochang Gu, Zhuoyan Mao i Mengyun Hu (2019): An Ongoing Journey: Review of ICPD+25 in China. Pequín: Centre de Recerca en Població i Desenvolupament de la Xina i FNUAP Xina.
13 —Xinhua News Agency (2021) China to support couples having third child. Available on line.
14 —“Anti-sex aunties” refers to a group who claim to resist to “sexual liberation” within Chinese society. They aggressively and publicly assault sexologist and denounce sexuality education programs. One of these attacks occurred at the Sex Culture Expo held in Xi’an in 2014. See Hu Lele (2019) “Anti-sex aunties” should not “anti-sex” with violence. Available on-line. See also Huang Yingying’s 2019 paper.
15 —The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China. Equality, Development and Sharing: Progress of Women’s Cause in 70 Years Since New China’s Founding. 2019. Available on line.
16 —A/RES/73/271. Scale of assessments for the apportionment of the expenses of the United Nations. Resolution adopted by the General Assembly on 22 December 2018
17 —Li, Yingtao (2020) Accelerate the Implementation of WPS: An Assessment of China’s Practice of ‘Women and Armed Conflict’ Strategy over the Past Five Years. Journal of Shandong Women’s University 3: 41-51.
18 —More information and analyses can be found at “Resources on Anti-Gender Ideology” compiled by Global Philanthropy Project (available on line). For an analysis of European anti-gender politics, see Kuhar, Roman and David Patternote D. (ed) (2017) Anti-Gender Campaigns in Europe: Mobilising Against Equality. For Latin America see Corrêa, Sonia S (ed) (2020) Anti-gender Politics in Latin America, Summary of Case Studies (available on line). For the US, see Case, Mary Anne (2019) Transformations in the Vatican’s war against “gender ideology”. Chicago: University of Chicago.
19 —Shieh, Shawn (11 març 2021): “China’s White Paper and the BRI: Can we expect China to deliver on the SDGs?”, Centre d’Informació sobre Empreses i Drets Humans. Disponible en línia.
20 —US embassy small grant guidelines list women’s rights as a field to support. This is interpreted in an article posted on social media as the US’s attempt to use women’s rights issues to promote western value and anti-family anti-marriage rhetoric and ultimately subvert the government. This article was reposted by some mainstream media, for instance, The Global Times, on their social media account.
Cai Yiping
Cai Yiping is an Executive Committee member of Development Alternatives with Women for a New Era (DAWN) and a PhD student in International and Global Studies Department at University of California Irvine. She holds a Master's Degree in History from Peking University and a certificate of Human Rights Master Program from Peking University Law School and Lund University Raoul Wallenberg Institute. Her research focuses on transnational feminist movement, especially in Global South, sexual and reproductive health and rights, media and communication.
Li Yingtao
Li Yingtao is professor and doctoral supervisor in the School of International Relations and Diplomacy from the Beijing Foreign studies University (BFSU), and deputy executive director of the Center of Gender and Global Studies (BFSU). She has been engaged in research on history of international relations, non-traditional security, the UN, gender and international relations and feminism peace studies. Her major works include International Politics from Gender Perspective, Feminism Peace Studies, Feminism International Relations and Global Environmental Issues from Gender Perspective, among others.
